The Saudi Public Speaks: Religion, Gender, and Politics

Moaddel, Mansoor

doi:10.1057/9780230603332_9

Cited by 23 publications

(26 citation statements)

References 26 publications

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“…Despite undemocratic regimes in many of them, scholars using the World Values Survey (e.g. al-Braizat, 2002;Moaddel, 2006;Tessler, 2002a;Tessler and Altinoglu, 2004) have consistently found high support for 'democracy as the best form of government' in Muslim nations among citizens who are highly religious (e.g. Egypt, Jordan, Algeria, Morocco, Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Saudi Arabia).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Relationship Between Gender Equality and Democracy: A Comparison of Arab Versus Non-Arab Muslim Societies

2007

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Inglehart and Norris argue that the core clash between the Islamic world and the West is over issues concerning gender equality rather than democracy. However, a comparison between Arab and non-Arab Muslim societies is essential before drawing this conclusion. Here, we compared nations from each society and found significant differences in attitudes toward gender equality, democratic governance and religious identities. We analyzed models predicting support for democracy including views toward gender equality in each set of countries. In non-Arab Muslim countries, there were higher levels of support for women's rights, and those who supported gender equality were significantly more likely to support democracy.The reverse was true in the Arab Muslim countries. We argue that for a complete and unbiased form of democracy to emerge in the Arab Middle East, a rule of law that would protect gender equality, minority rights and citizen inclusion would need to be instituted. KEY WORDS democratization / gender equality / Muslim world 1151 Sociology

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Relationship Between Gender Equality and Democracy: A Comparison of Arab Versus Non-Arab Muslim Societies

2007

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“…Possibly due to the general absence of guaranteed civil rights, the common conceptualization of tolerance in non-Western countries instead centers on the extent to which people from other backgrounds are welcomed in the community, particularly whether people object to having these "outsiders" as neighbors (e.g. Ciftci, 2010;Moaddel, 2006;Spierings, 2014). Both conceptualizations tap into the same conceptual focus: how people respond to others with different worldviews.…”

Section: Tolerancementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Still, most surveys did include several items on objecting to people from certain societal groups as neighbors, and these have been applied to studies of tolerance before (e.g. Ciftci, 2010;Moaddel, 2006;Spierings, 2014). From the "neighbor items", I selected those that allowed for including as many surveys as possible, while at the same time representing a coherent concept of tolerance, in this case ethno-religious tolerance: neighbors from another religion, race, or country, people with a migration background, and people who speak a different language.…”

Section: Ethno-religious Tolerancementioning

confidence: 99%

Trust and Tolerance across the Middle East and North Africa: A Comparative Perspective on the Impact of the Arab Uprisings

Spierings

2017

PaG

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The protests that swept the Arab Middle East and North Africa (MENA) are expected to have influenced two key civic attitudes fundamental to well-functioning democracies: trust and tolerance. However, systematic comparative assessments of the general patterns and particularities in this region are rare. This contribution theorizes the uprisings' impact and presents new society-level measurements of trust and tolerance for the MENA, synchronizing over 40 Arab Barometer and World Values Survey surveys on Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Palestine, Tunisia, and Yemen, from before and after the uprisings. The analyses firstly show political-institutional trust falling in the uprisings' aftermath in countries that went through democratic reform or regime change. It appears that politicians misbehaving and reforms not resolving social problems hurt people's trust in politics. Secondly, in democratic transition countries Egypt and Tunisia, a decrease in social trust reflected the pattern of political-institutional trust indicating a spill-over effect. Thirdly, ethnoreligious tolerance dropped region-wide after the uprisings, indicating that the aftermath of religious conflict impacted the entire Arab region. These results support rational-choice institutionalist theories, while at the same time refining them for the MENA context.

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“…The bulk of this research uses global comparisons across countries to evidence a deep value divide between the Muslim world and the West. In much of this research, gender equality is seen as central to the puzzle of an Islamic religious heritage and the region's lag in democracy (Fish, 2002;Inglehart & Norris, 2003a, 2003bMoaddel, 2006). Indeed, in their path-breaking work on gender egalitarian values and value change, Norris (2003a, 2003b) note that the most basic cultural fault line between the Western and Islamic countries concerns issues of gender equality.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Following the work of Inglehart and Norris, additional evidence from public opinion research overwhelmingly indicates that citizens of Muslim societies are significantly less supportive on issues related to gender equality than those living in Western, democratic countries (e.g. ; Alexander & Welzel, 2011a, 2011bMoaddel, 2006;Welzel, 2013).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

A multilevel study of gender egalitarian values across Muslim-majority provinces: the role of women and urban spaces

Alexander

Parhizkari

2018

International Review of Sociology

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In global value research, Muslim-majority countries emerge not only as consistently more patriarchal but also as a rather homogeneous cultural cluster to that effect. We, however, know little about the variation within Muslim-majority countries in these values through comparative analysis of subnational units. This limits the possibility of identifying 'localized pockets of transformation' in support for gender equality in what the global research depicts as a relatively stagnate region. This manuscript is a first attempt at explaining the subnational variation in gender egalitarian values across Muslim-majority countries and its effect on key individuallevel variables like gender. We model province and individuallevel variance across 64 provinces in Egypt, Iran and Turkey with multilevel analysis (Hierarchical Linear Modeling HLM 7.0). Results show that whether provinces are more urban positively influences gender egalitarian values. At the individual level, we find that whether provinces are more urban has the most powerful impact on unmarried women in increasing support for gender equality. Based on the results, we conclude that research must pay greater attention to the local contexts in which Muslim women are embedded, like their provinces, in terms of the opportunities they create outside of the 'marriage market' and the implications for their support of gender equality.

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The Saudi Public Speaks: Religion, Gender, and Politics

Cited by 23 publications

References 26 publications

The Relationship Between Gender Equality and Democracy: A Comparison of Arab Versus Non-Arab Muslim Societies

The Relationship Between Gender Equality and Democracy: A Comparison of Arab Versus Non-Arab Muslim Societies

Trust and Tolerance across the Middle East and North Africa: A Comparative Perspective on the Impact of the Arab Uprisings

A multilevel study of gender egalitarian values across Muslim-majority provinces: the role of women and urban spaces

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