1967
DOI: 10.2307/1086769
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The Satires of Horace: A Study

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“…context of the king's plans and a consequent concern on the poet's part that he should do nothing to give offence to the city. 70 In a recent discussion of this suggestion Andreas Bihrer has offered a different explanation of the change, identifying a period of crisis in 1495, when he believes that a disappointed Marullus, 'realizing' ('Marullus sah 1495 ein') that Charles's crusading plans were 'pure propaganda' and intended only to support his ambitions in Italy, returned in disappointment to Florence, turning his back on Charles, who in that year was forced by political pressure to abandon Italy. 71 Implicitly therefore Marullus no longer needed (nor would he have wished) to have regard for French interest in Genoa or for the feelings of the Genoese themselves, who in any case would still have had good reason to believe that their city was being criticised since Bihrer thinks that even after the removal of Ligurum, the hostis and dux of 41 and 46 could still be recognised as their own Longo -and besides his actual name still lurked in c in the wordplay of longumque/Longumque (47).…”
Section: Exile's Endmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…context of the king's plans and a consequent concern on the poet's part that he should do nothing to give offence to the city. 70 In a recent discussion of this suggestion Andreas Bihrer has offered a different explanation of the change, identifying a period of crisis in 1495, when he believes that a disappointed Marullus, 'realizing' ('Marullus sah 1495 ein') that Charles's crusading plans were 'pure propaganda' and intended only to support his ambitions in Italy, returned in disappointment to Florence, turning his back on Charles, who in that year was forced by political pressure to abandon Italy. 71 Implicitly therefore Marullus no longer needed (nor would he have wished) to have regard for French interest in Genoa or for the feelings of the Genoese themselves, who in any case would still have had good reason to believe that their city was being criticised since Bihrer thinks that even after the removal of Ligurum, the hostis and dux of 41 and 46 could still be recognised as their own Longo -and besides his actual name still lurked in c in the wordplay of longumque/Longumque (47).…”
Section: Exile's Endmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…He ventures to hope for future glory at the god's hands, glory that will however come to him in exile (decus labente daturus aevo exuli, 17-20). But the concluding address seems to look forward to something more: the god is not only 'the sweet assuager of exile and my country's defeat' (70); he also directs the poet to a more positive and brighter sphere, supporting in equal measure both 'busy wits' and 'a life of action' (commodus peraeque animo gnavo et I rebus agendis, 71-2). The 'busy wits' are what he needs as poet and man of affairs; the 'life of action' certainly contrasts with the otium that may afflict the exile 21 and perhaps points to the poet's other life, as soldier, hinting that Mercury may in future not merely give him comfort and glory while in exile from his defeated homeland but even support him in action should he take up arms to set it free.…”
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