“…And during the 2000s, City of Miami mayor Manny Diaz encouraged a condominium boom that he argued would reduce emissions and sprawl while attracting desirable new residents and turning Miami into a global city and leader in climate politics (Cave 2009, Diaz 2012. Local activists accused Diaz of using this policy to accelerate the pace of gentrification (Feldman 2011).…”
Section: Historical Narrative 1: the Magic Citymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Yet the new zoning code he introduced (City of Miami 2010) to achieve greater density did not mention climate change or require new buildings to take future sea level rise into account (Fuller 2019b). This policy simultaneously exacerbated existing inequities in the housing market, driving up rents and increasing development interest in low-income areas (Feldman 2011)although the Mayor's office denied the problem (Diaz 2007). When Tomás Regalado, a Republican, became mayor of the City of Miami in 2009, he abandoned climate policies altogether.…”
Local climate narratives are influential, shaping climate responses at all scales. They can be unpredictable, however, reflecting local power dynamics, needs, and priorities as much as expert knowledge of climate disruption and possible responses. As new modes of climate governance emerge in response to increasing climate impacts and risks, local climate narratives influence understandings of climate change and what should be done about it, as well as the prospects for implementing fair, effective climate responses. In this study, we examine the case of Miami-Dade County, Florida, USA, an early adopter of climate policies that faces deep inequity and worsening climate impacts. Using historical research, interviews, and policy document analysis, we (1) identify two long-term historic environmental narratives—one focused on economic growth and the other on environmental justice—that shape the local climate debate; (2) create a typology of contemporary climate narratives; and (3) analyze historic and contemporary narratives’ prevalence in emergent local climate policies. Miami’s climate narratives are divided along the geographical and social lines of segregation, leading to conflicting understandings of climate risk and action. Histories of growth and the environmental injustices that accompany it have strongly shaped contemporary climate narratives, beyond the scientific understanding of rising emissions and climate impacts that has predominated in local climate policies. Paying attention to these histories offers an important and often neglected basis for understanding local climate debates, the potential for climate governance to either compound or alleviate existing inequities, and new directions for more equitable climate communication and policy.
“…And during the 2000s, City of Miami mayor Manny Diaz encouraged a condominium boom that he argued would reduce emissions and sprawl while attracting desirable new residents and turning Miami into a global city and leader in climate politics (Cave 2009, Diaz 2012. Local activists accused Diaz of using this policy to accelerate the pace of gentrification (Feldman 2011).…”
Section: Historical Narrative 1: the Magic Citymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Yet the new zoning code he introduced (City of Miami 2010) to achieve greater density did not mention climate change or require new buildings to take future sea level rise into account (Fuller 2019b). This policy simultaneously exacerbated existing inequities in the housing market, driving up rents and increasing development interest in low-income areas (Feldman 2011)although the Mayor's office denied the problem (Diaz 2007). When Tomás Regalado, a Republican, became mayor of the City of Miami in 2009, he abandoned climate policies altogether.…”
Local climate narratives are influential, shaping climate responses at all scales. They can be unpredictable, however, reflecting local power dynamics, needs, and priorities as much as expert knowledge of climate disruption and possible responses. As new modes of climate governance emerge in response to increasing climate impacts and risks, local climate narratives influence understandings of climate change and what should be done about it, as well as the prospects for implementing fair, effective climate responses. In this study, we examine the case of Miami-Dade County, Florida, USA, an early adopter of climate policies that faces deep inequity and worsening climate impacts. Using historical research, interviews, and policy document analysis, we (1) identify two long-term historic environmental narratives—one focused on economic growth and the other on environmental justice—that shape the local climate debate; (2) create a typology of contemporary climate narratives; and (3) analyze historic and contemporary narratives’ prevalence in emergent local climate policies. Miami’s climate narratives are divided along the geographical and social lines of segregation, leading to conflicting understandings of climate risk and action. Histories of growth and the environmental injustices that accompany it have strongly shaped contemporary climate narratives, beyond the scientific understanding of rising emissions and climate impacts that has predominated in local climate policies. Paying attention to these histories offers an important and often neglected basis for understanding local climate debates, the potential for climate governance to either compound or alleviate existing inequities, and new directions for more equitable climate communication and policy.
“…The size and scope of Miami‐Dade's lower courts have increased over recent decades, in part due to the rise of broken windows proactive policing for lower‐level offenses such as marijuana possession, loitering, and panhandling. In the 1990s, local laws were passed to “clean‐up” urban disorder in the area by criminalizing homelessness and related disorder offenses (Feldman ), and since then local police departments have also directed their attention to lower‐level drug crimes (Petersen, Omori, and Lautenschlager ). Journalistic accounts indicate that black residents in the county are targeted for lower‐level offenses, such as misdemeanor marijuana possession, resulting in disproportionately high stop‐and‐frisk rates among the black population (Brennan and Weston ).…”
Although misdemeanors make up the bulk of criminal cases in the United States, the majority of research on court decision-making examines felony sentencing. In contrast to felony courts, lower-level courts are characterized by higher case volumes and increased reliance on informal sanctions, which may contribute to greater racial-ethnic disparities. To assess this possibility, we examine pretrial detention and case processing outcomes for misdemeanants in Miami-Dade County, Florida. Utilizing temporal (detention time) and monetary (bond amount) measures of pretrial detention, we assess whether and to what extent there are racial-ethnic disparities in formal and informal sanctions facing misdemeanants. Results indicate that black defendants, especially black Latinx defendants, face greater informal sanctions (longer detention and higher bond amounts), are more likely to be convicted, and experience more severe formal sanctions than do white non-Latinx defendants. These findings complicate Feeley's (1979) argument about lower-level cases, revealing that black defendants are punished by both the court process and formal sanctions. In this way, "the process is the punishment" for lower-level white and nonwhite defendants, while the punishment is also the punishment for black defendants.Racial and ethnic inequalities in US incarceration rates have dramatically risen over the past several decades, and as a result, black men are six times more likely to be incarcerated than white men (Sentencing Project 2017). Although much attention has been devoted to the causes and consequences of racialized mass incarceration in the US, relatively less attention has been given to the larger, and perhaps less visible, forms of criminal justice social control in lower-level courts (Murakawa and Beckett 2010;Kohler-Hausmann 2018). Due to the expansion of broken windows policing and other lower-level law enforcement strategies, the misdemeanor arrest rate has increased threefold in recent decades (Murakawa and Beckett 2010; Lum and Vovak 2018). 1 While a large proportion of misdemeanants are people of color (Kohler-Hausmann 2018), and racial-ethnic disparities in lower-level proactive policing strategies have been well documented (Fagan et al. 2016), few studies have examined racial-ethnic inequalities in lower-level court processing.This gap in the literature has important implications for our understandings of racialethnic disparities in case processing more broadly. Misdemeanors and other lower-level cases differ from felonies in several ways, being characterized by higher caseloads, We would like to thank the American Civil Liberties Union of Florida and its Greater Miami Chapter. We would also like to thank our research assistants on the project:
“… View of L ittle H avana, looking towards the downtown M iami skyline (photograph by M arcos F eldman, )…”
Section: Taking Care Of Little Havana: Gentrification and Social Controlmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Marcos Feldman has been living in Little Havana for more than 4 years; he is engaged in research on gentrification in Miami (Feldman, ) and in ‘action research’ projects to address perceived injustices (see www.risep‐fiu.org). Violaine Jolivet conducted research between 2006 and 2012 (over 11 months altogether) on the political geography of Miami's Cuban community (Jolivet, forthcoming).…”
In this article we examine the nature and implementation of governing strategies to control the gentrification of Little Havana, the symbolic heart of Cuban Miami. We ask how Cuban-American power relations at the neighborhood level operate to "produce" the citizen best suited to fulfill and help reproduce policies and practices of "securing" in order to gentrify Little Havana. Based on long-term ethnographic research in Little Havana and Miami, our analysis reveals how governance operates through neighborhood-level intermediaries and interpersonal relations. We apply Foucault's "pastoral power" to Miami's Cuban exile community in order to explain how the "Cuban-ness" and "Latin-ness" of governing relations and the personification of political power are crucial to socio-spatial control in Little Havana. Elites shape the conduct of individuals in order to achieve strategic goals in the name of community interest. Residents are key partners in the relational ensemble that governs and disciplines the neighborhood comprised mostly of low-income, Central American immigrants.
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