The Role of Horror and Dread in the Sacred Experience

Abstract

In this article we seek to add to the debate/discussion into so called 'Dark Tourism' (Lennon and Foley 2000). While a plethora of studies analyse this phenomenon through binaries such as authentic/inauthentic (MacCannell 1992;Urry 1995), we seek here to approach sites of historical death with a less sceptical view. Rather, like others such as West (2010), we understand tourist engagement with 'dark' sites as a source of ritualistic engagement. Using the Australian and New Zealand iconic place of Gallipoli in Turkey as a case study, this article will argue that the experience of pilgrims to sites of death is best discussed through the concept of the sacred. However, it is true that these sites can also disturb visitors. Thus, we propose that the often under-utilised figure in sociology, Hertz, can be consulted in order to comprehend how people negotiate places of 'dark' properties, particularly those with national or international heritage value. Word Count of Manuscript (including references, abstract and endnotes) -7857

Experiencing memory museums in Berlin. The Otto Weidt Workshop for the Blind Museum and the Jewish Museum Berlin

“…Dark Tourism has been identified by several authors as a particular area of interest for tourists who purposely seek to engage with macabre spaces. This has been proven to be the case in certain cases (Podoshen 2013), but equally, other studies have questioned the validity of such arguments, analyzing historical landmarks connected with death (Osbaldiston and Petray, 2011). This study aligns with this approach: Berlin, as a tourist destination, offers a series of museums and sites of interest which are irrevocably connected with death and suffering.…”

Magna Carta: repositioning the secular as ‘sacred’

“…Arlington National Cemetery, the location of the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in the USA, is a site where sanctification is provided by an honour guard performing rites of remembrance, with onlookers 'distancing themselves' from the event (Gillis 1994, p. 13). Similarly, the Gallipoli battlefields in Turkey have become a 'sacred' place for Australian and New Zealander secular pilgrimage (Hyde andHarman 2011, Osbaldiston andPetray 2011). Detailed comparison of the Magna Carta with these sites would be inappropriate, but both illustrate the way in which expectations of sanctity are met by elevation and enshrinement.…”

Managing ghosts: exploring local government involvement in dark tourism

“…Dark tourism research raises 'more questions than answers' (Bowman & Pezzullo, 2009, p. 188), and has been explored from theoretical, managerial, and motivational perspectives (Frew, 2012;Jones, 2010;Osbaldiston & Petray, 2011). But, for all this existing knowledge, research has not substantially addressed the role of local government in dark tourism management.…”

“…Theorists note the rise of visitation to dark sites in recent years (Gentry, 2007;Osbaldiston & Petray, 2011;Sharpley, 2009), which Bowman and Pezzullo (2009) attributed to improved accessibility. This includes improved transportation to, and within, sites compared to a century ago, and greater access to information about the event through websites and other media outlets.…”

“…It has been around as long as people have been able to travel (Frew, 2012;Seaton, 1996;Sharpley, 2009), allowing pilgrimages to see artefacts and remains of religious figures (Lennon & Foley, 1999;Osbaldiston & Petray, 2011), and visit battlefields. During the Jack the Ripper murders, tourism exploded near the crime scenes.…”