The Role of Diasporas in Conflict Perpetuation or Resolution

Abstract

Using data from studies of the Armenian-American and Jewish-American diasporic involvement in conflicts over Nagorno-Karabakh and the West Bank and Gaza, a hypothesis can be developed about the role diasporas play as a distinct third level between interstate and domestic peacemaking in these regions. There are several possible factors that could determine the nature and direction of diasporic involvement in homeland conflicts. By examining the phenomenon of diasporic activism in the homeland state, the host state, and at the international level, further research directions for those interested in integrating the study of ethnic conflict and national identity more completely into the study of international relations become apparent.

Migrants as transnational development agents: an inquiry into the newest round of the migration–development nexus

“…The notion that homeland and diaspora constitute one people is especially strong for relatively weak, new or reconstituted states, in confl icts with other states or groups (e.g. Armenian-Azeri; Shain, 2002). One may argue that national diasporas who participate in the foreign affairs of a country of settlement move from being disenfranchised groups to one with an entry ticket into mainstream society and politics (Shain, 1999, on US foreign policy).…”

From Spoilers to Statebuilders: Constructive Approaches to Engagement with Non-State Armed Groups in Fragile States

“…The role of diaspora communities in violent conflicts has received keen attention in recent literature on conflict financing (Smith and Stares, 2007;Collier and Hoeffler, 2004;Shain, 2002). Diasporas can provide both economic resources and political lobbying support through international peace workers and advocacy groups that shape global opinion on peace and reconstruction efforts.…”

Diaspora and Transnationalism : Concepts, Theories and Methods

“…As a result, diasporas have largely been considered 'long-distance nationalists' (Anderson 1998) that participate in a wide range of nationalist and conflict-perpetuating activities because they lead comfortable lives in the industrialised world and do not face the consequences of their actions. Diasporas that emerged as a result of political conflicts, rather than from economic or other types of voluntary migration, maintain traumatic identities attached to homeland territory and the myth of return, barring them from seeing potential avenues for conflict resolution (Faist 2000a;Shain 2002;Sheffer 2003;Lyons 2006;Smith & Stares 2007;Baser & Swain 2008). While they lobby their homeland governments, organise peaceful demonstrations and provide humanitarian aid, they also often mobilise for radical causes in the transnational space.…”

“…Non-violent periods allow domestic and external actors -including diasporas -to make choices ranging from moderate to radical in order to affect domestic change. The gamut of choices is foreclosed during periods of violent warfare in the homeland when diasporas almost unconditionally support the local actors who best advance nationalist goals (Shain 2002). Under violent conditions, radicals usually hold more political clout.…”

“…While diaspora studies first emerged from cultural studies, anthropology and sociology, political science followed this trend starting in the 1990s. (Sheffer 2003;Shain 1994Shain -1995Shain 2002Shain , 2007King & Melvin 1999;Byman, Chalk, Hoffman, Rosenau & Brannan 2001;Kaldor 2001;Wayland 2004;Adamson 2005aAdamson , 2006Brinkerhoff 2006;Lyons 2006;Østergaard-Nielsen 2006;Smith & Stares 2007). Interest in diasporas grew after 9/11 because foreign-born nationals living in Western states were behind the terrorist attacks.…”