The Role of Context in Pronominal Reference to Higher Order Entities in English and Norwegian

Object shift in Scandinavian languages: The impact of contrasted elements

“…With a sentence antecedent, on the other hand, as in (4b), det must have at least a word accent, here marked with IJ . 10 This slight difference in stress does not signal contrast, but it correlates very well with what is noted in Gundel et al (1999), namely that the choice between it and that in English corresponds in Norwegian to, on the one hand, a de-accented pronoun (ACTVN value 0) and, on the other, a slightly more accented one (ACTVN value 1). Andréasson (2008Andréasson ( , 2009Andréasson ( , 2010 notes that object pronouns with sentence antecedents appear in situ to a significantly greater extent when the matrix verb is a non-factive verb, as in example (2) above, where the matrix verb is tro 'think'.…”

“…The difference is discussed in connection with example (4), below. In the following, I will discuss some findings in the work of Gundel et al (1993), Gundel et al (1999) and Gundel (2010) that are relevant to the analysis of this paper.…”

“…(3) Zero > verbal person inflections > cliticized pronoun > unstressed pronoun > stressed pronoun > stressed pronoun + gesture > proximal demonstrative (-NP) > distal demonstrative (-NP) > proximate demonstrative + NP > distal demonstrative + NP > proximate demonstrative + modifier > distal demonstrative + modifier > first name > last name > short definite description > long definite description > full name > full name + modifier Gundel et al 1993, Gundel et al 1999and Gundel 2010 present in the GH a scale, given in Figure 1 below, that is not as extensive as Ariel's in including all possible definite nominal expressions. On the other hand the GH includes the non-accessible indefinite noun phrase and maps the different nominal expressions to distinct cognitive statuses, IN FOCUS, ACTIVATED, etc.…”

Object Shift in spoken Mainland Scandinavian: A corpus study of Danish, Norwegian, and Swedish

“…Finally, Andréasson argues that even det in a non-factive environment may undergo OS under certain conditions: (i) when the relevant clause has already been referred to by a pronoun prior to the potential OS context (see also Gundel, Borthen & Fretheim 1999), and (ii) when there is contrastive focus on an element other than the pronoun. Most (though not all) instances of ‘unexpected’ OS with det as the complement in a non-factive environment in her Swedish and Danish data fall into one of these two categories.…”

Information Structure and the Accessibility of Clausally Introduced Referents

“…Following Gundel, Borthen and Fretheim (1999), we suggest an explanation of this fact, drawing on a relevance-theoretic approach to the pragmatics of language understanding (Sperber and Wilson 1986195). then in B" functions as an interpretive particle which conveys the meaning that the content of the sentence it is appended to follows by way of inference from something the addressee just said.…”