The role of case in A-bar extraction asymmetries

Coon, Jessica; Pedro, Pedro Mateo; Preminger, Omer

doi:10.1075/lv.14.2.01coo

Cited by 61 publications

(134 citation statements)

References 73 publications

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“…The properties of the Coon, Mateo Pedro, and Preminger (2015) proposal outlined in this section are intriguing, but there are also some reservations. Syntactic phases provide one of the major building blocks of Coon, Mateo Pedro, and Preminger's proposal; this is related to their desideratum that the transitive subject be generated below the vP phase.…”

Section: Asp-1sgerg-sleep-caus-derivedtr-2sgabsmentioning

confidence: 97%

“…Another account of syntactic ergativity has recently been proposed by Coon, Mateo Pedro, and Preminger (2015). 13 The proposal treats all ergative cases in the same way: namely, as arguments with inherent case merged in spec,VoiceP.…”

Section: Phase Boundaries and High-/low-absolutive Languagesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Instead, the language uses a special nominalization, the so-called "Crazy Antipassive" (Kaufman 1990), illustrated in (47). According to Coon, Mateo Pedro, and Preminger (2015), the agent focus (AF) marker -on-in Q'anjob'al serves as a licensor for object case in the absence of the high aspectual head that would otherwise license the absolutive. The proposal thus makes correct predictions about the syntax of non-finite complements in high-absolutive Mayan languages.…”

Section: Asp-1sgerg-sleep-caus-derivedtr-2sgabsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Syntactic Ergativity

Polinsky

2017

The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Syntax, Second Edition

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This chapter presents the phenomenon of syntactic ergativity (SE), defined as the grouping of the absolutive subject and absolutive object into a natural class, to the exclusion of the ergative argument, with respect to A′‐movement. Two families of approaches to SE can be distinguished: those which place the explanatory burden on the derivation of the absolutive, and those which invoke the properties of the ergative expression to explain SE. For the first family of approaches, which include explanations based on locality and A′‐movement for case, the exclusion of the ergative from A′‐movement is a side effect of satisfying Case‐licensing needs of the absolutive. In the second type of approach, the restriction on A′‐movement of the ergative follows either from criterial freezing or from the adpositional‐phrase nature of the ergative. The approaches converge on the notion that ergative is an inherent case, assigned either by a verbal head or by an adposition selected by a v head.

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Section: Asp-1sgerg-sleep-caus-derivedtr-2sgabsmentioning

confidence: 97%

Section: Phase Boundaries and High-/low-absolutive Languagesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Asp-1sgerg-sleep-caus-derivedtr-2sgabsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Syntactic Ergativity

Polinsky

2017

The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Syntax, Second Edition

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“…10 Though there are many different accounts of syntactic ergativity in the literature, many explicitly relate the effect to Case-assignment hence to Vergnaud licensing in our terms. For example, for Coon et al (2015), the effect is due to movement of the object past the subject in order to render it visible to T/Asp, and, for Erlewine (2016), syntactic ergativity and that-trace effects result from anti-locality, where it is Case-assignment which ensures that in accustaive languages all subjects occupy spec TP whereas in ergative languages only transitive subjects do. See Douglas & Sheehan (2016) for a discussion of these approaches and evidence that both are required for different Mayan languages.…”

Section: VIImentioning

confidence: 99%

Nominal licensing in caseless languages

Sheehan

Wal

2018

J. Ling.

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This paper provides evidence for a kind of nominal licensing (Vergnaud licensing) in a number of morphologically caseless languages. Recent work on Bantu languages, has suggested that abstract Case or nominal licensing should be parameterised (Diercks 2012, Van der Wal 2015a). With this is mind, we critically discuss the status of Vergnaud licensing in six languages lacking morphological case and agreement. While Luganda appears to systematically lack a Vergnaud licensing requirement, Makhuwa more consistently displays evidence in favour of it, as do all of the analytic languages that we survey (Mandarin, Yoruba, Jamaican Creole and Thai). We conclude that, while it seems increasingly problematic to characterise nominal licensing in terms of uninterpretable/abstract Case features, we nonetheless need to retain a (possibly universal) notion of nominal licensing, the explanation for which remains opaque.

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“…These three examples may suffice as illustrations of what form opacity arguments for a derivational approach to syntax typically take. It should be emphasized that the arguments considered here are by no means conclusive: It is of course possible to come up with a completely different account of wanna-contraction that is compatible with a declarative analysis without requiring postulation of a different behaviour of two types of empty categories (see Pullum (1997)); or to devise a non-structural theory of reflexivization in which movement is not expected to potentially give rise to bleeding effects (see, e.g., Pollard & Sag (1992), Reinhart & Reuland (1993), Büring (2005)); or to account for the ban on ergative movement (and the concurrent lack of a comparable ban on accusaive movement) in a different way that does not involve an interaction of movement and case assignent (see Campana (1992), Stiebels (2006), Coon et al (2011)). These considerations notwithstanding, I take the derivational approach to syntax to be well supported by opacity arguments, and will presuppose it in what follows.…”

Section: Derivational Vs Declarative Approachesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Remnant movement in local derivational grammar

Müller¹

2015

Remnant Movement

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This paper sets out to substantiate three claims. First, there is (conceptual and emiprical) evidence for adopting a local derivational approach to syntax (as opposed to non-local derivational, local declarative, and non-local declarative approaches). Second, the general counter-bleeding effect with remnant movement provides an argument for a derivational approach as such, but raises problems for a local derivational approach as it is presupposed in phase-based minimalist syntax. Third, this challenge can be met if the movement-related features of moved items (like [wh]) have values that act as buffers, storing minimal aspects of the derivational history on the moved item. Background Two DichotomiesCurrent theories of syntax can roughly be grouped into four classes according to two dichotomies: An approach can be derivational (such that syntactic structures are generated by structure-building and structure-manipulating operations) or declarative (such that syntactic structures are viewed as potential objects that have to comply with the grammatical constraints of a language); and an approach can be local (such that all syntactic dependencies are confined to local domains, e.g., subtrees, and syntactic constraints have access only to these subtrees) or non-local (such that syntactic dependencies can span larger portions of structure, potentially the whole sentence, and syntactic constraints also have access to these large domains). A cross-classification yields four models of grammar: Current local derivational approaches include most prominently the Minimalist Program (Chomsky (2001;), where syntactic structures are generated bottom-up, by alternating operations like Merge, Move, and Agree, and the accessible window of a derivation is quite small throughout (it is standardly assumed to be confined to the minimal phase). GPSG (Gazdar (1981), Gazdar et al. (1985)) and HPSG (Pollard & Sag (1994), Sag & Wasow (1999), Müller, St. (2007) belong to the class of local declarative approaches: Dependencies and constraints are evaluated in small subtrees (essentially, mother-daughter relations), and syntactic structures are assumed to be licensed by constraint satisfaction, rather than being generated successively by syntactic operations. Next, there are non-local derivational models,

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The role of case in A-bar extraction asymmetries

Cited by 61 publications

References 73 publications

Syntactic Ergativity

Syntactic Ergativity

Nominal licensing in caseless languages

Remnant movement in local derivational grammar

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