The Rocky Road to Europe: The EU’s Stabilisation and Association Process for the Western Balkans and the Principle of Conditionality

Pippan, Christian

doi:10.54648/eerr2004014

Cited by 29 publications

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“…Issues, problems, opportunities of the countries of the Balkan region and their integration into the EU are considered in the works of such scientists as R. Ferrero-Turrion (Ferrero-Turrion, 2015), I. Kikerkova, K. Tosevska-Trpcevska, E. Makrevska Disoska, J. Tonovska (Kikerkova et al, 2022), I. Milovanovic (Milovanovic, 2020), J. O Brennan (O Brennan, 2013, 2014, A. Othon (Othon, 2008), G. Qorraj, G. Jusufi (Qorraj, Jusufi, 2018), C. Pippan (Pippan, 2004), C. Tanasoiu, M. Racovita (Tanasoiu, Racovita, 2012), M. Türkes, G. Göksu (Türkes, Göksu, 2006).…”

Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

The evolution of EU accession requirements for North Macedonia

Minovska

2023

Vestn. Ross. univ. družby nar., Ser. Èkon.

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Since Republic of North Macedonia has been a candidate country for European Union membership for almost two decades, the goal of this article is to shed a light on the conditions and requirements that were set before Macedonia and their evolution for this time period. For that purpose the article, annual reports of the European Commission on Macedonia’s progress were reviewed. Further on, analysis of the development of Macedonia’s macroeconomic indicators was carried out which was followed by a comparative analysis of the state of the economic development of the Central and Eastern European countries - member states of the European Union, at the moment of their accession. It was established that the EU enlargement process have undergone significant changes since its foundation. Over time, the changed political environment within the EU has led to a significant strengthening and tightening of the rules and criteria. The inefficiency of the latest accessions provoked the EU once again to change the accession negotiation process and introduce new accession process that is significantly more political than economic. In Macedonia’s case, it was political and not economic requirements that led to the country becoming stuck in its EU accession process. The economic results achieved by Macedonia during the researched period, even though lower than the average for the union, were still higher that the results shown by some Central and Eastern European counties at the time when they became members of the EU. Therefore, is no doubt, that Macedonia’s path to the EU was conditioned by political obstacles, the same situation continues today. But the major question that still stand unanswered is weather this kind increased politicization of the process is contradictory to the merit-based system the EU prides itself on.

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Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

The evolution of EU accession requirements for North Macedonia

Minovska

2023

Vestn. Ross. univ. družby nar., Ser. Èkon.

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“…However, in the specific case of Kosovo, as the final status issue had not yet been addressed, it was not clear whether the provision on a future European perspective applied also to this territory. Notwithstanding this, the policy framework of the Stabilization and Association Process, the significant amount of economic assistance and the future membership perspective enabled the EU to introduce its conditionality approach, modelled on the enlargement process of Central and Eastern European countries, in the relations with Western Balkan countries, but at an earlier stage than in the case of accession candidate countries (Pridham 2007;Elbasani 2013), and incorporating extra demands on the issue of regional cooperation in order to take the legacy of recent conflict in this area into consideration (Phinnemore 2003;Pippan 2004). Therefore, in 2004, within the Stabilization and Association Process policy framework, the EU started to elaborate a series of political, economic, and acquis-related priorities with which Western Balkan candidates had to comply in view of their future integration into the EU.…”

Section: During the Un Interim Administration (1999-2008): State-buil...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Evaluating EU Actorness as a State-Builder in ‘Contested’ Kosovo

Baracani

2019

Geopolitics

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When citing, please refer to the publisher version.Evaluating EU actorness as a state-builder in 'contested' Kosovo Elena BaracaniKosovo can be considered a contested state because it has problems of both internal and external sovereignty (Krasner 2001, 2 and 6-12). Kosovo's internal sovereignty is compromised by the fact that the government is unable to govern in the Serb-populated municipalities in the north, and by the fact that it is unable to govern effectively in the rest of the country. Kosovo's external sovereignty is compromised by the fact that the international community is divided over Kosovo's independence. At the beginning of 2018, ten years after its declaration of independence, 80 out of 193 (41.5%) United Nations (UN) member states did not recognize Kosovo, including Russia and China (members of the Security Council), and five EU member states (Cyprus, Greece, Romania, Slovakia and Spain). Study of the Kosovo case is relevant also from the perspective of the EU's external relations and foreign policy. Even if it has fewer than two million inhabitants and the poorest economy in Europe, Kosovo represents, in terms of the political geography of the EU's external relations, one of the main testing grounds for its renovated foreign policy. Indeed, because Kosovo is geographically and politically closer to the EU than other contested states, it can use a wider set of foreign policy tools to foster the state-building process. Finally, from a EU foreign policy perspective, while at the time of the escalation of the conflict, neither the European Political Cooperation nor the Common Foreign and Security Policy were able to stop it, since the early 2000s Kosovo has become the site of the most comprehensive EU foreign policy approach. The content analysis presented in this article is based on qualitative sources, mainly policy documents by EU foreign policy actors (European Commission, European Council, EU Council, High Representative, and European External Action Service) on relations with Kosovo and the Western Balkan countries for the period 1999-2018, but also official documents by the United Nations on Kosovo and by the Republic of Kosovo. For the phase of EU state-building during monitored independence (2008-2012) I had the opportunity to Author's elaboration * 'Presence' refers to the general perception of the EU as a foreign policy actor and not to the specific perception of the EU by Kosovars.** Even if in the first phase Kosovo cannot be considered as a contested state, because it had not yet declared independence, the contestation issue, in the form of the dispute with Serbia on the status of Kosovo, was already present.

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Peacebuilding in the Balkans

Belloni

2019

The Rise and Fall of Peacebuilding in the Balkans

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The Rocky Road to Europe: The EU’s Stabilisation and Association Process for the Western Balkans and the Principle of Conditionality

Cited by 29 publications

References 0 publications

The evolution of EU accession requirements for North Macedonia

The evolution of EU accession requirements for North Macedonia

Evaluating EU Actorness as a State-Builder in ‘Contested’ Kosovo

Peacebuilding in the Balkans

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