The rhetoric of political corruption: Sociolinguistic, dialectical, and ceremonial processes

Gronbeck, Bruce E.

doi:10.1080/00335637809383422

Cited by 18 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 8 publications

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“…Eagleton's punishment may have helped citizens atone for their sins, but it also evoked sympathy from them. 12 …”

Section: The Act Of Vindication/resignationmentioning

confidence: 97%

“…11 Hence, the primary purpose of this essay is to contribute to an understanding of what Gronbeck would call the "rhetoricalsocial contexf of the vice presidency. 12 More precisely, this essay will Winter 1991 3 explain the contemporary vice-presidential role and its rhetorical characteristics through an examination of public talk by and about those who run for the vice-presidential office. This analysis will shed light on both the rhetorical challenges vice presidents face and on how they meet or fail to meet the expectations of citizens.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Vice‐presidential comedy and the traditional female role: An examination of the rhetorical characteristics of the vice presidency

Bostdorff

1991

Western Journal of Speech Communication

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“…Eagleton's punishment may have helped citizens atone for their sins, but it also evoked sympathy from them. 12 …”

Section: The Act Of Vindication/resignationmentioning

confidence: 97%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Vice‐presidential comedy and the traditional female role: An examination of the rhetorical characteristics of the vice presidency

Bostdorff

1991

Western Journal of Speech Communication

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“…Communication theorists often speak of constructivism, which from the sociolinguistic perspective means that language upholds our institutions and helps create the public discourse (Brock, Scott and Chesebro 1990;Gronbeck 1978). In media theory, the concept of constructivism informs theories such as framing (McCombs and Shaw 1993; Tewksbury and Scheufele 2009).…”

Section: Foundational Theoriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Battleground Texas: Gendered Media Framing of the 2014 Texas Gubernatorial Race

Waters¹,

Dudash-Buskirk²,

Pipan³

2018

JFS

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Feminist political theory is a sprawling theoretical field that intertwines sociological and philosophical perspectives and applies them to the study of campaigns, policy, voting, and the general structure of what Americans call politics. In Western democratic republics, the concept of participation has been hotly debated, specifically with regard to voting. Applying the critical lens of an intersectional feminist perspective introduces questions about the participation of different genders, races, classes, and cultural groups in political action, voting, and running for office. Before equal representation can be attained (if that is, indeed, desirable), it is important to understand how our politics are constructed. Feminism in the field of political communication is almost as old as the discipline itself. In this paper, the researchers explore a specific mixed-gender race in Texas, using the underlying assumptions of feminist political theory as a lens to examine how the race was rhetorically constructed in the media. By mixing methodologies and multiple analyses, both content-related and critical, these stories of mixed-gender campaigns may illuminate how gender is constructed in political races by the media and elucidate the potential constraints imposed on candidates seeking office.Battleground Texas was a grassroots organization that raised money and supported the Democratic candidate for governor in 2014, Wendy Davis. Davis had previously made headlines with a filibuster worthy of statewide attention in the Texas Senate during the debate about an antiabortion bill. The last woman to win the governorship in Texas was Ann Richards, a Republican, in 1990. Some thought that the Democratic Party might take a governorship in Texas (a known and established Republican stronghold) with a candidate like Davis. Her recent popularity indicated that she might have support and that her opponent, Greg Abbott, could be challenged. In fact, most predicted that Davis would not win but would make the race a close contest and therefore strengthen the Democratic Party in Texas. Ultimately, Abbott and Davis began the race on equal footing, as he was Attorney General of Texas and she a now-recognizable state senator. Both had experience and a sense of incumbency. Expectations dictated that Abbott would win, but at the same time the expectations for Davis closing the gap in the race were high. In the end, Davis not only lost the race but did so by more than 20 points (Root 2014), which was a number too great to pose any indication of a strong Democratic Party propensity for success in Texas. Money for Davis's campaign poured in from outside states (Brown 2014) and the Democratic National Committee (DNC), and while such an influx can Waters et al.: Battleground Texas Journal of Feminist Scholarship 14 (Spring 2018)sometimes shift a campaign's course, in this case it mattered more where the money came from (i.e., from outside Texas). Ultimately, the prevailing expectations of an Abbott governorship and a Democratic defeat were fulf...

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“…Both in this phase and in the next one-dramatization-the rhetorical strategies of the different actors with a role in the scandal are very important. In particular, during the defense phase, the rhetorical process that Bruce Gronbeck (1978) called dialectical, is present. Actors who take part in the battle for public opinion struggle among themselves to try to reinforce the speaker's authority and at the same time, to weaken that of the adversary.…”

Section: Phases Of the Scandalmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In this phase, the sociolinguistic rhetorical process (Gronbeck, 1978) occurs, which marks out the seriousness of the deeds. Thus, acts such as lying, having an extramarital affair, enlarging one's personal wealth using the position of authority one is occupying, and so on are transformed to heinous violations of social trust that can be a critical threat to the social order and that must be punished.…”

Section: Phases Of the Scandalmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Politics of Scandal in Spain

Jiménez

2004

American Behavioral Scientist

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This article has a double purpose. On one hand, it briefly reviews the main political scandals in democratic Spain and tries to account for why political corruption gained a privileged position in the Spanish public agenda only during the decade of the 1990s and up to the Socialist’s electoral defeat of 1996. On the other hand, and the main focus of this article, the Spanish case is used to build a model for the analysis of scandals based on the idea that these phenomena are not automatic processes of social control but rather the result of political struggles among different social elites of which the final outcome is unpredictable.

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The rhetoric of political corruption: Sociolinguistic, dialectical, and ceremonial processes

Cited by 18 publications

References 8 publications

Vice‐presidential comedy and the traditional female role: An examination of the rhetorical characteristics of the vice presidency

Vice‐presidential comedy and the traditional female role: An examination of the rhetorical characteristics of the vice presidency

Battleground Texas: Gendered Media Framing of the 2014 Texas Gubernatorial Race

The Politics of Scandal in Spain

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