2004
DOI: 10.1215/01903659-31-1-179
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The Revisionist Debate in Ireland

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Cited by 29 publications
(4 citation statements)
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“…This is perhaps unsurprising given the radical tradition of some Irish-language activism, particularly among Northern Republicans (Mac Ionnrachtaigh 2013), as well as the language's role in the Gaelic revival and resistance to colonial linguistic and cultural hegemony in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, although this impetus was arguably abandoned in the Irish state post-independence (Lee 1989;Mac Ionnrachtaigh 2013). Assertions of Irish as 'proxy Catholicism' (Ó Croidheáin 2006), or as part of a post-Independence ideology which 'promoted Irish sports, Catholicism, rural society and economy, and, of course, the Irish language' in an effort 'to create a homogeneous citizenry' (Watson 2002:745), are often based on the political significance invested in Irish in the early years of the Irish state, which wielded language and culture in line with its conservative, regressive, and even counter-revolutionary aims (Whelan 2004;Mac Ionnrachtaigh 2013). However, as Walsh (2019a:56) points out, '[a] comprehensive study of the indexing of the Irish language as conservative has yet to be conducted but the association emerges not only in attitudinal surveys but also in histories and media discourse'.…”
Section: Explainsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This is perhaps unsurprising given the radical tradition of some Irish-language activism, particularly among Northern Republicans (Mac Ionnrachtaigh 2013), as well as the language's role in the Gaelic revival and resistance to colonial linguistic and cultural hegemony in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, although this impetus was arguably abandoned in the Irish state post-independence (Lee 1989;Mac Ionnrachtaigh 2013). Assertions of Irish as 'proxy Catholicism' (Ó Croidheáin 2006), or as part of a post-Independence ideology which 'promoted Irish sports, Catholicism, rural society and economy, and, of course, the Irish language' in an effort 'to create a homogeneous citizenry' (Watson 2002:745), are often based on the political significance invested in Irish in the early years of the Irish state, which wielded language and culture in line with its conservative, regressive, and even counter-revolutionary aims (Whelan 2004;Mac Ionnrachtaigh 2013). However, as Walsh (2019a:56) points out, '[a] comprehensive study of the indexing of the Irish language as conservative has yet to be conducted but the association emerges not only in attitudinal surveys but also in histories and media discourse'.…”
Section: Explainsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…87–107). Nevertheless, the academic community greeted the book negatively (Whelan, 2004, pp. 179–205).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The Great Irish Famine, between 1845 and 1852, resulted in nearly one million deaths: one-eighth of the total population of the island (Boyle and Ó Gráda 1986). The background, course, and outcome of this calamity and, in particular, the role of the British government, remain controversial to this day (Whelan 2004). Most of this controversy lies in the complex historical relationship between Ireland and England, which also determined social policies toward the poor and the marginalized in 19th-century Ireland.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%