Abstract:Recent efforts to partition the space of morality have focused on the descriptive content of distinct moral domains (e.g., harm versus purity), or alternatively, the relationship between the perpetrator and victim of moral violations. Across three studies, we demonstrate that harm and purity norms are relevant in distinct relational contexts. Moral judgments of purity violations, compared to harm violations, are relatively more sensitive to the negative impact perpetrators have on themselves versus other victi… Show more
“…Finally, our stimuli included only harm violations and not other kinds of moral wrongs, including violations of norms about purity, loyalty, or other concerns (Graham, Haidt, & Nosek, 2009). Recent work suggests that the influence of intentions on moral judgment is strongest for harm violations and less strong for other kinds of violations, including purity violations (Chakroff, Dungan, & Young, 2013; Chakroff et al., 2016; Chakroff, Russell, Piazza, & Young, 2017; Chakroff & Young, 2015; Dungan, Chakroff, & Young, 2017; Giner‐Sorolla & Chapman, 2017). From this perspective, harm violations are an ideal set of stimuli with which to test our hypotheses.…”
When making a moral judgment, people largely care about two factors: Who did it (causal responsibility), and did they intend to (intention)? Since Piaget's seminal studies, we have known that as children mature, they gradually place greater emphasis on intention, and less on mere bad outcomes, when making moral judgments. Today, we know that this developmental shift has several signature properties. Recently, it has been shown that when adults make moral judgments under cognitive load, they exhibit a pattern similar to young children; that is, their judgments become notably more outcome based. Here, we show that all of the same signature properties that accompany the outcome‐to‐intent shift in childhood characterize the “intent‐to‐outcome” shift obtained under cognitive load in adults. These findings hold important implications for current theories of moral judgment.
“…Finally, our stimuli included only harm violations and not other kinds of moral wrongs, including violations of norms about purity, loyalty, or other concerns (Graham, Haidt, & Nosek, 2009). Recent work suggests that the influence of intentions on moral judgment is strongest for harm violations and less strong for other kinds of violations, including purity violations (Chakroff, Dungan, & Young, 2013; Chakroff et al., 2016; Chakroff, Russell, Piazza, & Young, 2017; Chakroff & Young, 2015; Dungan, Chakroff, & Young, 2017; Giner‐Sorolla & Chapman, 2017). From this perspective, harm violations are an ideal set of stimuli with which to test our hypotheses.…”
When making a moral judgment, people largely care about two factors: Who did it (causal responsibility), and did they intend to (intention)? Since Piaget's seminal studies, we have known that as children mature, they gradually place greater emphasis on intention, and less on mere bad outcomes, when making moral judgments. Today, we know that this developmental shift has several signature properties. Recently, it has been shown that when adults make moral judgments under cognitive load, they exhibit a pattern similar to young children; that is, their judgments become notably more outcome based. Here, we show that all of the same signature properties that accompany the outcome‐to‐intent shift in childhood characterize the “intent‐to‐outcome” shift obtained under cognitive load in adults. These findings hold important implications for current theories of moral judgment.
“…Work in moral psychology and social neuroscience has started to provide such evidence in the context of purity norms vs harm norms. In particular, mental states appear to matter less in moral judgments of purity violations relative to harm violations (Barrett et al ., 2016; Chakroff, Dungan, & Young, 2013; Dungan, Chakroff, & Young, 2017; Young & Saxe, 2011). The current results further demonstrate the robustness of this effect: while responses to harm violations change flexibly with task instructions, the same is not true for responses to purity violations.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Another not mutually exclusive possibility is that judgments of purity violators rely on simpler heuristics that preclude the deployment of more complex mental state reasoning. Compared to harm violations, purity violations lead to stronger person-based, dispositional attributions that do not incorporate information about mitigating circumstances (Chakroff & Young, 2015), perhaps including the violator’s innocent mental state (Barrett et al ., 2016; Chakroff, Dungan, & Young, 2013; Dungan, Chakroff, & Young, 2017; Young & Saxe, 2011). Relatedly, perceptions of a person’s bad moral character may be more tied to purity violations than harm violations (Giner-Sorolla & Chapman, 2017; Russell & Piazza, 2015).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…murder) relative to purity violations (e.g. incest; Chakroff et al , 2013; Dungan et al , 2017; Young & Saxe, 2011). Strikingly, this intent effect holds even across eight small-scale societies tested in recent cross-cultural work (Barrett et al , 2016).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…the perpetrator was forced to commit the violation; Chakroff & Young, 2015; Piazza et al ., 2013; Russell & Giner-Sorolla, 2011a,b). Additionally, as discussed above, whether an action was committed intentionally or accidentally matters relatively less for moral judgments of purity violations compared to harm violations (Barrett et al ., 2016; Chakroff et al ., 2013; Dungan et al ., 2017; Young & Saxe, 2011).…”
Recent work in psychology and neuroscience has revealed important differences in the cognitive processes underlying judgments of harm and purity violations. In particular, research has demonstrated that whether a violation was committed intentionally vs accidentally has a larger impact on moral judgments of harm violations (e.g. assault) than purity violations (e.g. incest). Here, we manipulate the instructions provided to participants for a moral judgment task to further probe the boundary conditions of this intent effect. Specifically, we instructed participants undergoing functional magnetic resonance imaging to attend to either a violator’s mental states (why they acted that way) or their low-level behavior (how they acted) before delivering moral judgments. Results revealed that task instructions enhanced rather than diminished differences between how harm and purity violations are processed in brain regions for mental state reasoning or theory of mind. In particular, activity in the right temporoparietal junction increased when participants were instructed to attend to why vs how a violator acted to a greater extent for harm than for purity violations. This result constrains the potential accounts of why intentions matter less for purity violations compared to harm violations and provide further insight into the differences between distinct moral norms.
Understanding people's minds is essential for effectively navigating our social world. This chapter focuses on the capacity to attribute and reason about one's own mind and the minds of others (referred to as
theory of mind
, or
ToM
) and its role in moral cognition. The section on moral judgment focuses on the circumstances in which people rely on mental states for moral judgments and how ToM may differ depending on the moral domain. We provide a functional explanation for these patterns of mental‐state reasoning that contrasts the need to regulate interpersonal relations with the need to protect the self. The section on moral behavior focuses on interactions with moral agents (e.g., friends, foes, ingroups, outgroups). We examine how ToM is deployed in two fundamental social contexts (i.e., cooperation and competition) and elaborate on the circumstances in which people fail to consider the minds of others. We end by providing some evidence that ToM can improve interpersonal and intergroup relations.
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