The Relationship of Age to Personal Network Size, Relational Multiplexity, and Proximity to Alters in the Western United States

Smith, Emily J.; Marcum, Christopher Steven; Boessen, Adam; Almquist, Zack W.; Hipp, John R.; Nagle, Nicholas N.; Butts, Carter T.

doi:10.1093/geronb/gbu142

Cited by 35 publications

(31 citation statements)

References 36 publications

(36 reference statements)

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“…Contrary to the suggestion that older PLWHA face increased risk of isolation (Shippy & Karpiak, 2005), loneliness (Emlet, 2006;Karpiak et al, 2006) and lack of appropriate support (Schrimshaw & Siegel, 2003), we found that the social networks of participants to be large, strong, and supportive, consistent with findings for the general population (Smith et al, 2015). After being infected, they established new acquaintanceships and adopted new ways of viewing life.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 73%

Social networks of older adults living with HIV in Finland

et al. 2015

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 73%

Social networks of older adults living with HIV in Finland

et al. 2015

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“…Comparisons of the demographic composition of the sample with Census data of these locations show good overall agreement (for more extensive details on data collection see Butts et al 2014 andSmith et al 2014 7…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 72%

“…core ties for discussing important matters, which we expect to be less spatially compact compared to socializing ties, and 3.) kin ties, whose spatial patterning is most uncertain (see Boessen et al, 2014;Smith et al, 2014;Fischer, 1982;Freeman, 2001 for examples using these relationships). Before turning to the methods, we briefly review the literature on the built environment and social networks.…”

Section: Do Land Uses Matter For Personal Network Structure?mentioning

confidence: 99%

The built environment, spatial scale, and social networks: Do land uses matter for personal network structure?

Boessen

Hipp²,

Butts

et al. 2017

Environment and Planning B: Urban Analytics and City Science

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In this study, we examine how different features of the built environment -density, diversity of land uses, and design -have consequences for personal networks. We also consider whether different features of the built environment have consequences for the spatial location of persons to whom one is tied by considering their distribution in local area, broader city region, and a more macro spatial scale. We test these ideas with a large sample of the Western United States for three different types of ties. Our findings suggest that the built environment is crucial for personal network structure, both in the number of social ties and where they are located.Keywords: neighborhoods, social networks, spatial effects, built environment, land use 3 Bio Adam Boessen is an Assistant Professor in the department of Criminology and Criminal Justice at the University of Missouri, St. Louis. His primary research interests include neighborhoods and crime, geography and space, and social networks.John R. Hipp is a Professor in the departments of Criminology, Law and Society, and Sociology, at the University of California Irvine. His research interests focus on how neighborhoods change over time, how that change both affects and is affected by neighborhood crime, and the role networks and institutions play in that change. He approaches these questions using quantitative methods as well as social network analysis. He has published substantive

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“…First, the main source of data comes from a large-scale egocentric network study that contains spatial locations of both egos and alters: the American Social Fabric Project (ASFP). The AFSP contains a population sample of Los Angeles, a population sample of the two communities in Southern California, a spatially stratified sample of Southern California, and a spatially stratified sample of the Western United States (for more extensive details on data collection see Butts et al 2014 13 andSmith et al 2014). We use data from the Southern California respondents to test our research questions for this study in part because we are able to link these data with micro crime data in neighborhoods (N = 1,359).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Social fabric and fear of crime: Considering spatial location and time of day

et al. 2017

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Criminologists have long noted that social networks play a role in influencing residents' fear of crime, but findings vis a vis the exact nature of that role have been mixed. More social ties may be associated with less fear of crime through their role in collective action, trust, and emotional support, but also with more fear of crime because of their role in the diffusion of information on local crime patterns. In what follows, we suggest temporal and spatial distinctions in how social ties matter for fear of crime with respect to these different mechanisms. Analysis of data from a large scale egocentric network study in Southern California provides evidence for these claims.Keywords: neighborhoods, social networks, spatial effects, time of day, fear of crime John R. Hipp is a Professor in the departments of Criminology, Law and Society, and Sociology, at the University of California Irvine. His research interests focus on how neighborhoods change over time, how that change both affects and is affected by neighborhood crime, and the role networks and institutions play in that change. He approaches these questions using quantitative methods as well as social network analysis. He has published substantive work in such journals as American Sociological Review, Criminology, Social Forces, Social Problems, Mobilization, City & Community, Urban Studies Fear of crime is a long-standing policy issue of great importance in the U.S., and a large body of literature has emerged on the question of its determinants (Ferraro, 1995;Skogan and Maxfield, 1981;Warr, 1990). One recurrent theme in this literature is that social networks play an important role in influencing residents' fear of crime (e.g., see Bursik and Grasmick, 1993); however, there is considerable debate about the nature of that role. For instance, residents who have more local alters might have more information about criminal activities in the area and hence express more fear, but residents with more local alters might also perceive more potential for collective action in the neighborhood, and therefore express less fear (Bursik and Grasmick, 1993;Skogan and Maxfield, 1981).1 The importance of alter locations for the types of ties ego is likely to have to them, and the types of exchanges taking place through those ties, suggests that the spatial dimension of network structure (itself a topic of growing interest e.g., see Butts et al., 2012) may help disambiguate the relationship between personal networks and fear of crime. In particular, we posit that different mechanisms of social ties for fear of crime have distinct spatial implications. As most research in this area either ignores space or implicitly presumes that alters are only of interest when located in the area nearby ego, little consideration has been given to the effects of alters who are located farther away. In this paper, we examine alter distance on ego's fear of crime, explicitly testing for the effects of both proximate and distant alters.While the spatial distribution of alters ma...

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The Relationship of Age to Personal Network Size, Relational Multiplexity, and Proximity to Alters in the Western United States

Cited by 35 publications

References 36 publications

Social networks of older adults living with HIV in Finland

Social networks of older adults living with HIV in Finland

The built environment, spatial scale, and social networks: Do land uses matter for personal network structure?

Social fabric and fear of crime: Considering spatial location and time of day

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