The Relationship between Grammaticality Ratings and
      Corpus Frequencies: A Case Study into Word Order Variability in the
      Midfield of German Clauses

Kempen, Gerard; Harbusch, Karin

doi:10.1515/9783110197549.329

Cited by 55 publications

(44 citation statements)

References 10 publications

(11 reference statements)

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“…However, this is consistent with previous studies reporting that while production frequency is often correlated with processing difficulty/preference (e.g. Levy, 2008), not all word order preferences are mirrored by differences in corpus frequency, and frequency is sometimes overridden by grammar (Bornkessel, Schlesewsky, & Friederici, 2002;Crocker & Keller, 2006;Kempen & Harbusch, 2005;see Bornkessel-Schlesewsky & Schlesewsky, 2009b, 7.2.3 and 9.3.3. for a review).…”

supporting

confidence: 92%

Is the subject-before-object preference universal? An event-related potential study in the Kaqchikel Mayan language

Yasunaga

Yano

Yasugi

et al. 2015

Language, Cognition and Neuroscience

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The processing load of sentences with different word orders in the Kaqchikel Mayan language was investigated using eventrelated potentials. We observed a P600 for subject-verb-object and verb-subject-object sentences as compared to verb-objectsubject (VOS) sentences, suggesting that VOS order is easier to process than the other orders. This is consistent with the traditional interpretation in Mayan linguistics that the syntactically determined basic word order is VOS in Kaqchikel, as in many other Mayan languages. More importantly, the results revealed that the preference for subject-object word order in sentence comprehension observed in previous studies may not be universal; rather, processing load in sentence comprehension is greatly affected by the syntactic nature of individual languages.

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supporting

confidence: 92%

Is the subject-before-object preference universal? An event-related potential study in the Kaqchikel Mayan language

Yasunaga

Yano

Yasugi

et al. 2015

Language, Cognition and Neuroscience

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“…At the theoretical level, our results add to the existing evidence that there is no straightforward correlation between the acceptability and the frequency of syntactic structures (Featherston 2005;Kempen & Harbusch 2005;Arppe & Järvikivi 2007;Bader & Häussler 2010a). This is shown most clearly by the finding that in Experiments 1 and 2, unmarked passive sentences were no less acceptable than unmarked active sentences, despite the fact that passive sentences are much less frequent than active sentences (see Bader 2012 for the case of ditransitive verbs).…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 75%

Constraints on Argument Linearization in German

ELLSIEPEN

Bader

2018

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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In this article we present experimental findings on the acceptability of different argument orders in the German middle field. Our study pursues two goals: First, to evaluate a number of surface constraints on German argument order that have been proposed in the literature, and second, to shed new light on how gradient constraints jointly determine sentence acceptability. In four experiments, we investigated the impact of surface constraints relating to animacy, thematic roles, definiteness and case. While we are able to confirm an influence of most constraints under investigation, the resulting constraint hierarchy does not coincide with any hierarchy put forward so far in the literature, to the best of our knowledge. With regard to gradience, our results can be accounted for either by an OT variant incorporating a notion of markedness, or by a fully quantified model using constraint weights. For the latter, however, we provide evidence against uniform penalties associated with constraint violations.

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“…One might argue that judgments are simply more lenient than production, hence speakers accept more than what they would produce (e.g., Kempen & Harbusch, 2005). However, a comparison of incorrectly faithful to-be-palatalized and correctly palatalized plurals, as shown in Figure 10 below, shows that this explanation is insufficient to account for the present data.…”

mentioning

confidence: 58%

“…Zuraw found that Tagalog speakers seldom produced nasal substitution, which requires a change to the base, but judged it to be more acceptable than nasal assimilation, which does not require a stem change. This dissociation between judgment and production would also address the possible criticism that judgments are simply more tolerant than production (e.g., Kempen & Harbusch, 2005) by showing that the less acceptable alternative is more likely to be produced. In other words, it would indicate that the speaker recognizes that the form that results from an alternation is the right thing to say without quite having the ability to say it.…”

Section: Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

What happens to large changes? Saltation produces well-liked outputs that are hard to generate

Smolek

Kapatsinski

2018

Laboratory Phonology: Journal of the Association for Laboratory Phonology

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Smolek, A. and Kapatsinski, V. 2018 What happens to large changes? Saltation produces well-liked outputs that are hard to generate. Laboratory Phonology: Journal of the Association for Laboratory Phonology 9(1): 10, pp. 1-27, DOI: https://doi.org/10.5334/labphon.93 lab l a phon . Recent research has argued that saltation is diachronically unstable and documented one possible cause of instability: Learners exposed to saltatory alternations may overgeneralize them to intermediate sounds. However, this research has trained participants to criterion or excluded participants who did not reach criterion accuracy on familiar sounds. In first language acquisition, learners of languages with saltatory patterns cannot hope to receive more exposure to the pattern than those learning non-saltatory patterns. For this reason, we examined learning of saltatory and non-saltatory patterns after a constant amount of training. We compared saltatory labial palatalization to non-saltatory alveolar and velar palatalization. Participants showed overgeneralization of saltatory palatalization in a judgment task. However, saltatory alternations did not result in increased rates of palatalizing similar sounds, compared to non-saltatory alternations. Instead, saltatory alternations were less likely to be produced than non-saltatory alternations. These results suggest that large, saltatory alternations may be diachronically unstable because they are harder to (learn to) produce. Instead of being overgeneralized to intermediate sounds, saltatory alternations may disappear from the language by losing productivity and being replaced with faithful mappings.

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The Relationship between Grammaticality Ratings and Corpus Frequencies: A Case Study into Word Order Variability in the Midfield of German Clauses

Cited by 55 publications

References 10 publications

Is the subject-before-object preference universal? An event-related potential study in the Kaqchikel Mayan language

Is the subject-before-object preference universal? An event-related potential study in the Kaqchikel Mayan language

Constraints on Argument Linearization in German

What happens to large changes? Saltation produces well-liked outputs that are hard to generate

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