The Relation Between Media Content Evaluations and Political Disaffection

Austin, Erica Weintraub; Pinkleton, Bruce E.

doi:10.1080/15205436.1999.9677867

Cited by 33 publications

(26 citation statements)

References 33 publications

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“…Despite its connotations, political disaffection is not limited to harmful, damaging effects on political participation. As explained below, disaffection has both negative and positive qualities that can hamper or motivate participation in the political process (e.g., Austin & Pinkleton, , ; Pinkleton & Austin, ; Pinkleton, Austin, Zhou, Willoughby, & Reiser, ). The present study, derived from the existing literature, examines three major dimensions of political disaffection: cynicism, apathy, and skepticism.…”

Section: Political Disaffection: Cynicism Apathy and Skepticismmentioning

confidence: 99%

More Harm Than Good? Online Media Use and Political Disaffection Among College Students in the 2008 Election

Yamamoto

Kushin

2013

J Comput-Mediat Comm

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Section: Political Disaffection: Cynicism Apathy and Skepticismmentioning

confidence: 99%

More Harm Than Good? Online Media Use and Political Disaffection Among College Students in the 2008 Election

Yamamoto

Kushin

2013

J Comput-Mediat Comm

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“…This complicates content transmission by introducing new forms of distribution, a feature that plays an important role especially in "the globalisation of Chinese television" (Zhang, 2011, p. 122;Loehwing & Motter, 2012;Moran & Keane, 2004). (Chu, 2013;Austin & Pinkleton, 1999). Ill equipped to separate the cultural grain from the political chaff, Western media audiences tend to be suspicious of the package as a whole, illustrated by some of the negative reactions to the establishment of Confucius Institutes by the Chinese government around the world, particularly in Western countries.…”

Section: Cross-cultural Complexities -Crosscultural Competencementioning

confidence: 97%

Self-hybridisation: China as a global media player

Chu

2013

Media Asia

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The paper argues that self-hybridisation by Chinese media producers is one of their strategies in wooing international audiences in the global media. The paper places the notion of selfhybridisation in the context of cross-cultural, inter-cultural, and trans-cultural relations, as discussed in the literature. In doing so, the author draws a sharper-then-usual distinction in negotiating cross-cultural and inter-cultural competence. Contrary to Kraidy's influential arguments in favour of trans-culturalism as a way of overcoming both cultural imperialism and cultural pluralism, the paper places hybridisation between cultural imperialism and cultural essentialism as a way of avoiding both extremes and at the same time making cultural difference accessible. This concept is then illustrated by two case studies. T here are clear difficulties faced by producers as much as by consumers in cross-cultural exchanges between China and the West in the global media (Chu, 2013). In spite of an undeniable cultural divide, these difficulties need to be re-examined in light of the fact that China now has a strong presence in the global media market. How can we explain China's rapidly increasing cultural media offerings on a global scale? It is the aim of this paper to suggest that a partial answer to this question can be seen by looking at China's deliberate cultural policy, particularly in relation to its attempts at wooing a global media audience by adapting traditional and contemporary themes for consumption abroad, a phenomenon this paper attempts to capture by the notion of self-hybridisation. A major goal of such a strategy is to undercut Western media imperialism, and especially Anglophone homogenisation, as part of the broader policy of China's 'going abroad' campaign. In order to make the case of Chinese self-hybridisation persuasive, I will place it in the context of cross-cultural, inter-cultural and trans-cultural relations, as well as in the context of scholarly literature on hybridity. In this respect, I believe that a number of issues pertaining to cultural exchange in the domain of the global media deserve our attention: a dearth of cross-cultural analyses of media consumption in spite of a massive literature on mass media; the need to avoid arguments in favour of 'cultural essentialism' and 'media imperialism'; and a clarification of the distinction between 'cross-cultural' and 'inter-cultural competence' . In Downloaded by [University of Nebraska, Lincoln] at 20:35 11 June 2016 345  self-hyBridisaTion: china as a GloBal media player light of these markers, this paper looks at sources of complexity characteristic of cross-cultural production and consumption in the global media. In doing so, one cannot but pay attention to technological, economic, political and cultural aspects of media programming. An exemplary context for such an analysis is the reception of Chinese cultural products in the West. What is of special interest here is the fact that China is not only flooding global markets with programmes celebratin...

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“…They focus on the information process of an advertisement's message to understand the extent to which people engage in a thoughtful consideration instead of understand to what extent the issue is important or relevant to people. The measurement, therefore, emphasizes the extent to which people pay attention to the advertisement's claims, concentrate on the messages in the stimulus, put thought into evaluating the advertisement's messages and feel the information in the advertisement might be relevant to making an informed decision (e.g., Austin & Pinkleton, 1999;Muehling et al, 1993). Lodge, & Stroh, 1990).…”

Section: Issue Relevancementioning

confidence: 99%

Attacking or Self-Promoting? The Influence of Tone of Advertising and Issue Relevance on Candidate Evaluations and the Likelihood of Voting for an Emerging Challenger in Korea

Chen

Kim

2011

International Journal of Strategic Communication

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This experimental study examines the effectiveness of attacking strategy for a challenger candidate, and the moderating role of issue relevance in negative political advertising. Results indicate that the effects of negative advertising on the sponsoring candidate's personal attributes depend on issue relevance. That is, participants gave the highest evaluations of the sponsoring candidate's personal attributes when exposed to positive advertising with low-relevance issues. When it comes to the sponsoring candidate's qualification attributes, participants were more likely to give higher evaluations when issue relevance was high regardless of the tone of the advertising. As would be expected, the emerging challenger encountered unintended consequences in terms of participants' likelihood of voting when employing negative advertising to attack the leading candidate. Participants exposed to negative ads were less likely to vote for the sponsoring candidate than those who were exposed to positive ads.

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The Relation Between Media Content Evaluations and Political Disaffection

Cited by 33 publications

References 33 publications

More Harm Than Good? Online Media Use and Political Disaffection Among College Students in the 2008 Election

More Harm Than Good? Online Media Use and Political Disaffection Among College Students in the 2008 Election

Self-hybridisation: China as a global media player

Attacking or Self-Promoting? The Influence of Tone of Advertising and Issue Relevance on Candidate Evaluations and the Likelihood of Voting for an Emerging Challenger in Korea

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