The Regulated and Periodic Markets and Rural Development in India

Wanmali, Sudhir

doi:10.2307/622023

Cited by 9 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…1,2001 ketplace exchange, the tempo of market integration over time, and the expansion and contraction of market zones. Second, because market participation in peasant-market societies is typically uneven (Plattner 1989:188-190;Smith 1972:215;Wanmali 1981), comparing H scores in different subareas of a region may elucidate differences in market participation among urban and rural communities or between elite and nonelite populations. Third, comparisons of// scores among artifact categories (e.g., fine vs. domestic goods) may provide insights into differences in the scales and mechanisms of exchange for different classes of commodities.…”

Section: Using Heterogeneity To Identify Marketplace Exchangementioning

confidence: 99%

Evaluating the Distributional Approach to Inferring Marketplace Exchange: A Test Case from the Mexican Gulf Lowlands

Garraty¹

2009

Latin Am. antiq.

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Over a decade ago Kenneth Hirth (1998, 2000) developed a “distributional approach” for archaeologically inferring the existence of marketplace exchange based on analyses of domestic artifact collections. Domestic collections, he reasoned, will be relatively homogeneous in areas where most or all households rely on marketplace exchange to acquire domestic provisions. The present study evaluates Hirth’s distributional approach using a statistical measure of diversity (heterogeneity) to quantify variability among domestic collection units over a large area. The data for this study come from the Middle Postclassic lower Blanco region of Veracruz (A.D. 1200–A.D. 1350), an unknown context of marketplace exchange. A comparison of diversity scores calculated on surface sherd collections from the lower Blanco region with scores from Late Postclassic Teotihuacan (A.D. 1350–A.D. 1520)—a known context of marketplace exchange—suggests the existence of a marketplace exchange system in the lower Blanco region, likely centered at the town of El Sauce. In addition, changes in intercollection diversity (sherds) and obsidian concentrations with increasing distance from the center suggest El Sauce’s market service area encompassed a radius of approximately six to nine kilometers.

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Section: Using Heterogeneity To Identify Marketplace Exchangementioning

confidence: 99%

Evaluating the Distributional Approach to Inferring Marketplace Exchange: A Test Case from the Mexican Gulf Lowlands

Garraty¹

2009

Latin Am. antiq.

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“…Beyond local manufacture, distances from other communities specializing in the production of functional types not produced (or under produced) locally require attention. The structure of marketplace exchange and market systems—including scale, periodicity, and hierarchical and horizontal integration (Blanton 1996; Bromley and Symanski 1974; Bromley et al 1975; Brookfield 1973; Hassig 1982; Hill 1966; Hodder 1965; Hodder and Ukwu 1969; Nash 1966; Skinner 1964; Smith 1974, 1976; Symanski and Webber 1974; Wanmali 1980; Webber and Symanski 1973; Wood 1975)—likewise deserve scrutiny.…”

Section: Confounding Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

A Houseful of Pots: Applying Ethnoarchaeological Data to Estimate Annual Ceramic Vessel Consumption Rates of Classic Maya Households

Straight

2017

Ancient Mesoam

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This article reviews data from the modern highland Maya area in order to develop a model of vessel discard frequencies applicable to Classic Maya contexts. Estimating the number of pots consumed by ancient households is crucial to reconstructing the organization of ceramic production and exchange in antiquity. The recent publication of in situ household assemblages from the Classic Maya center of Aguateca facilitates an analysis of household pottery use during the Late Classic period. Vessel class use-lives derived from ethnoarchaeological studies are applied to the Aguateca assemblages to estimate annual consumption rates. The simulated Aguateca discard assemblages are then compared to archaeologically recovered vessel class discard frequencies from the Classic Maya center of Tikal. The article concludes with a discussion of how and why pottery requirements for Classic Maya households differed from those of twentieth century Maya and the implications these distinctions have for interpreting consumption pattern for the Classic Maya.

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“…Research by Corbridge (1982, 1986 suggests that it was the savings amassed by a number of permanent mine labourers-some skilled, most not-which prompted and 'paid for' the recent opening up of the protected land markets of Chota Nagpur. Regarding the organization of agriculture in contemporary Chota Nagpur, I can only report that in the context of a difficult dry-land farming system, commercialization and commercial attitudes are at least as evident amongst the tribal communities as in the non-tribal communities (see also Wanmali, 1981). The ideology of tribal economy and society, though accurate perhaps in the early part 33 Data from Census of India igsi, vol.…”

Section: The Jharkhand: Economic Transformation and Regional Changementioning

confidence: 99%

The Ideology of Tribal Economy and Society: Politics in the Jharkhand, 1950–1980

Corbridge

1988

Mod. Asian Stud.

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In this paper I want to explore the implications of the rise and fall of Jharkhandi ethnoregionalism from the point of view of tribal policy and tribal politics in Independent India. More especially I want to examine an ideology of tribal economy and society which informs most existing accounts of Jharkhandi politics and which makes the case for a specifically ‘tribal’ policy. The main propositions of this ideology are recounted in Section One of this paper. They are (1) that the concept of a tribe is given and uproblematical; (2) that the tribals of South Bihar are the original inhaitants of the Jharkhand, where they still predominate (see Figure I); and (3) that tribal politics and tribal policies are effective because individual tribes are themselves undifferentiated, united and geographically concentrated. (A corollary of this third proposition is that any decline in Jharkhandi ethnoregionalism since the mid-1960s must be due to factional disputes within the tribal leadership and/or to inter-tribal clashes, perhaps along denominational lines). These three propositions are examined in Sections Two, Three and Four of the paper, where they are measured against the recent historical experience of India's Jharkhand. The implications of any shortcomings in the ideology of tribal economy and society are taken up in the concluding section of the paper where comments are offered, too, on an alternative ‘model’ of tribal policy and politics in the Jharkhand.

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The Regulated and Periodic Markets and Rural Development in India

Cited by 9 publications

References 2 publications

Evaluating the Distributional Approach to Inferring Marketplace Exchange: A Test Case from the Mexican Gulf Lowlands

Evaluating the Distributional Approach to Inferring Marketplace Exchange: A Test Case from the Mexican Gulf Lowlands

A Houseful of Pots: Applying Ethnoarchaeological Data to Estimate Annual Ceramic Vessel Consumption Rates of Classic Maya Households

The Ideology of Tribal Economy and Society: Politics in the Jharkhand, 1950–1980

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