Abstract:The original case system found in Sanskrit (Old Indo-Aryan) was lost in Middle Indo-Aryan and then reinvented in most of the modern New Indo-Aryan (NIA) languages. This paper suggests that: (1) a large factor in the redevelopment of the NIA case systems is the expression of systematic semantic contrasts; (2) the precise distribution of the newly innovated case markers can only be understood by taking their original spatial semantics into account and how this originally spatial semantics came to be used primari… Show more
“…Butt and Ahmed 2011: 564-565 The functions of -kũ demonstrated in examples (8)-(10) parallel those of modern Hindi/Urdu -ko, i.e. as dative in (8), dative experiencer in (9), and accusative in (10) (Butt and Ahmed 2011). Following the assumption that both -ne and -ko have their origins as postpositions marking space -'near' and 'from' in the case of the former and the latter as a marker of goals and recipients -Butt and Ahmed support the position that new case markers may be adopted by a language to reinforce semantic contrasts.…”
Section: Oia-nia Case Morphologymentioning
confidence: 93%
“…Hoernle (1880: 224-225) further suggested the connection between this marker and the -ne or -nɛ dative/accusative marker in the neighbouring Rajasthani dialects. In fact, most modern Rajasthani, Gujarati, and northern Bhili dialects still use -ne as a dative/ accusative marker (for further discussion see Butt 2001Butt : 116, 2006Butt and Ahmed 2011;and Montaut 2003and Montaut , 2006and Montaut , 2009. Tessitori (1913: 559) traces the Rajasthani -n-to the older locative form kanhai 'near' -derived from the Sanskrit noun 'ear' karne -which in Old Western Rajasthani would later take on simultaneously ablative and dative functions.…”
A split-ergative construction had developed during the late MIA period (Bubenik 1998;Peterson 1998) in which subjects of perfective transitive clauses were marked ergative by an oblique form, in contrast with the nominative form for non-ergative subjects. Later in the NIA period, most NIA languages (e.g. Urdu/ Hindi) developed a postpositional clitic that was added to the oblique suffix, while others (e.g. Sindhi) continued to mark ergative subjects with a generic oblique suffix. This paper focuses on one exceptional case: the Dehwali language of Gujarat. Dehwali has an ergative marker that is a fusional suffix (i.e. layer IMasica 1991: 231) and appears to inflect to agree in number and gender with the subject it marks.I will present two possible scenarios as to the origin of the Dehwali ergative marker: that it may be the remnant of an archaic MIA oblique form, or that it may be a more recent innovation as the result of increased contact with neighbouring varieties. Based on theories of grammaticalisation, I argue that the former hypothesis is more likely. These theories show that it is not uncommon for oblique case forms (i.e. ablative; genitive) to carry agentive properties.
“…Butt and Ahmed 2011: 564-565 The functions of -kũ demonstrated in examples (8)-(10) parallel those of modern Hindi/Urdu -ko, i.e. as dative in (8), dative experiencer in (9), and accusative in (10) (Butt and Ahmed 2011). Following the assumption that both -ne and -ko have their origins as postpositions marking space -'near' and 'from' in the case of the former and the latter as a marker of goals and recipients -Butt and Ahmed support the position that new case markers may be adopted by a language to reinforce semantic contrasts.…”
Section: Oia-nia Case Morphologymentioning
confidence: 93%
“…Hoernle (1880: 224-225) further suggested the connection between this marker and the -ne or -nɛ dative/accusative marker in the neighbouring Rajasthani dialects. In fact, most modern Rajasthani, Gujarati, and northern Bhili dialects still use -ne as a dative/ accusative marker (for further discussion see Butt 2001Butt : 116, 2006Butt and Ahmed 2011;and Montaut 2003and Montaut , 2006and Montaut , 2009. Tessitori (1913: 559) traces the Rajasthani -n-to the older locative form kanhai 'near' -derived from the Sanskrit noun 'ear' karne -which in Old Western Rajasthani would later take on simultaneously ablative and dative functions.…”
A split-ergative construction had developed during the late MIA period (Bubenik 1998;Peterson 1998) in which subjects of perfective transitive clauses were marked ergative by an oblique form, in contrast with the nominative form for non-ergative subjects. Later in the NIA period, most NIA languages (e.g. Urdu/ Hindi) developed a postpositional clitic that was added to the oblique suffix, while others (e.g. Sindhi) continued to mark ergative subjects with a generic oblique suffix. This paper focuses on one exceptional case: the Dehwali language of Gujarat. Dehwali has an ergative marker that is a fusional suffix (i.e. layer IMasica 1991: 231) and appears to inflect to agree in number and gender with the subject it marks.I will present two possible scenarios as to the origin of the Dehwali ergative marker: that it may be the remnant of an archaic MIA oblique form, or that it may be a more recent innovation as the result of increased contact with neighbouring varieties. Based on theories of grammaticalisation, I argue that the former hypothesis is more likely. These theories show that it is not uncommon for oblique case forms (i.e. ablative; genitive) to carry agentive properties.
“…Many Iranian languages (though not Persian) are characterized by the contrast between a nominative alignment in the imperfective and an ergative alignment in the perfect. We already saw in relation to the Indo-Aryan language Haryani in (32) (Butt & Ahmed 2011) that ergativity splits can be observed in the absence of a specialized ergative case; indeed in Haryani the subject of perfect sentences is introduced by an all-purpose oblique (dative). Kurmanji Kurdish is characterized by an even more elementary case organization, since it has just two possible forms for DPs, best characterized as an absolute form and an oblique one.…”
Ergativity splits between perfect and imperfective/progressive predicates are observed in languages with a specialized ergative case (Punjabi) and without it (Kurdish). Perfect predicates correspond to a VP projection; external arguments are introduced by means of an oblique case, namely an elementary part-whole predicate saying that the event is 'included by', 'located at' the argument. A more complex organization is found with imperfective/progressive predicates, where a head Asp projects a functional layer and introduces the external argument. Our proposal further yields the 1/2P vs. 3P Person split as a result of the intrinsic ability of 1/2P to serve as 'location-of-event'.Keywords: ergative case; oblique case; aspect; person split; Indo-Iranian
OutlineErgative alignments in case and agreement observed in Indo-Iranian languages are generally subject to an aspectual split; in Punjabi a person split is also observed. We argue that in Punjabi and Kurdish 1 the transitivizing 1 We use primary data, allowing us to base the analysis directly on the intuitions of our native informants. The choice of Punjabi depends on its emblematic case organization (Bailey 1904;Bhatia 1993). Data are transcribed in a broad IPA from the (Doabi) variety spoken in the Indian town of Hoshiarpur; in the transcription we leave out in particular tonal properties (Bhatia 1993). Some variability in the examples reflects the native speakers varying output (for instance as to whether the auxiliary is or is not realized Punjabi) or an allpurpose oblique (Kurdish). There are two major streams in our discussion, one relating to the aspectual split, and the other relating to the nature of ergative case -which converge in the proposal we put forward. The fact that the two proposals converge in the picture we provide for Indo-Aryan and Iranian languages does not imply that they are logically dependent from one another. In any event, we argue that they both hold in the languages at hand. As for the aspectual split, there appears to be a fair consensus in recent generative literature that perfect predicates or perfect sentences lack structure present in their imperfective counterparts ( As we already mentioned, we take the view that ergative case is an oblique. The morphological evidence favours this conclusion, to the extent that subjects in ergativity splits bear the same case as genitive complements of nouns, dative arguments of verbs, instrumental adjuncts (see section 3.2). Note that although the genitive has sometimes been taken to be a structural case (especially Alexiadou 2001), datives and instrumentals are normally taken to be inherent cases; in the languages we consider, the morphological evidence supports the conclusion that all three are oblique cases (unlike, say, absolutive/nominative). If so, the dependent case algorithm cannot be involved in any general way in ergative alignments, since the algorithm only works by excluding inherent cases (datives, instrumentals, etc.) to begin with. We detail our proposal in section ...
“…The verb muskaranaa "to smile" Sentence structures are S NOM V with transitive vector verb (45) 'Vijender cried a cry of the lack of benefits' http://pathey.blogspot.com (Friday, October 29, 2010) According to a widespread opinion about ergativity of some intransitive verbs in HindiUrdu ergative usage involves volitional, intentional, purposeful reading, conscious control of the agent over action (Butt 2006;Butt & King 1993;Butt & Ahmed 2011;Joël 2010;Khan & Sarfraz 2009). But it doesn't seem to be convincing.…”
Section: Evolution Of Ergativity In the Western Hindimentioning
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