The study of western family change lies disintegrated, divided into two largely independent intellectual communities-family history and theoretical family sociology. An integration of the two fields is proposed. The results of family historical research from three national cases, England, France, and the North American Colonies, are used to evaluate critically the family theories of Parsons, Seccombe, Zaretsky, and Horkheimer. The pattern of family organization regarded as modern, including the differentiation of the family from other social institutions, the emergence of companionate marriage, and the consolidation of authority over the family in the role of the father, characterize the family systems of England and the Colonies better than that of France. A theory of modern family organization is proposed that identifies the emergence of a culturally dominant middle class and the institutionalization of Protestantism as facilitating conditions for the development of this private family system. TX 78713 CAPITALISM, PROTESTANTISM AND THE PRIVATE FAMILY 145 an emerging consensus within the methods of historical sociology, which Abrams (1982) has termed ''practical historical explanation. " This method attempts a compromise between theory development, which requires generalization, and history, which requires attention to time and place. That compromise proposes a level of generality intermediate between non-historical universals and non-generalizable particulars.The present effort to develop an historical theory of western family change includes: (1) the specification of guiding hypotheses derived from a synthesis of three macro-level social theories (structural-functionalism, Marxism, and critical theory); (2) an evaluation of these hypotheses for selected historical cases; and (3) a reformulation of theory at a more appropriate level of historical generalization.
Macro-Social Theories of Family ChangeStudies of western family change are couched in the historical etiology of modern family organization. This focus implies at least three fundamental problems: (1) demarcation, (2) historicity, and (3) causality. The first problem concerns the specification of features which distinguish modern family organization from premodern times. The second problem concerns a description of timing and pace of the transformation. The third concerns the identification of the historically contingent social forces that led to the transformation.