The race question and liberalism: Casuistries in American constitutional law

Lyman, Stanford M.

doi:10.1007/bf01417405

Cited by 14 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 34 publications

(4 reference statements)

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“…Так, согласно Лиману [Lyman, 1991], среди групп, признанных не имеющими пра ва получить гражданства, были бирманцы, корейцы, гавайцы, арабы и выходцы из Восточной Индии, тогда как другие, например, армяне и сирийцы, признава лись белыми и, следовательно, имели возможность стать натурализованными гражданами. Раса в том виде, в каком она рассматривалась в некоторых из этих эпизодов, связывалась с религией (так, например, обозначение коголибо как «индуса» несло как расовые, так и религиозные коннотации) и политикой.…”

Section: институт гражданства и социальное включениеunclassified

Racial Democracy, Citizenship and Immigration: The United States Experience in Comparative Perspective

Kivisto

Rezaev

Zhikharevich

2017

monitoring of public opinion

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Section: институт гражданства и социальное включениеunclassified

Racial Democracy, Citizenship and Immigration: The United States Experience in Comparative Perspective

Kivisto

Rezaev

Zhikharevich

2017

monitoring of public opinion

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“…The USA worked to expand its political and economic in¯uence in the new world order, but found it increasingly dif® cult to defend white supremacy at home (Lyman, 1991), especially when American apartheid received international condemnation. Critics at home and abroad targeted the South,`chief custodian to the nation' s primal¯aw of racial caste,' for reform (Graham, 1995, p. 146).…”

Section: Three Periods Of Reform: the Case For Historical Sociologymentioning

confidence: 99%

Inequality and Education Reform: formulating a macro-historical sociology perspective

Rushing¹

2001

Race Ethnic. Educ.

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The persistence of race, class, gender, and regional inequality in US education poses many challenges for policy-makers and scholars. Investigations of school crises, as presently constructed, tend to treat the problems and paradoxes of inequality as exceptions to the American democratic system, instead of seeing them as contradictions within the system. This research suggests an alternative theoretical framework to study inequality and education reform. It analyzes a century of education crises by combining`the sociological imagination' with a world-system perspective. It focuses on North Carolina in its assessment of Southern education as American education.The topic of education reform in the USA periodically surfaces as a critique of inequality in public institutions, but often fosters individual and private solutions that exacerbate inequality. For example, court-ordered desegregation attempted to close the gap between separate and unequal schools, but prompted the proliferation of white academies and the abandonment of public schools in the 1960s and 1970s. The excellence movement of the 1980s purported to raise public school standards, but led many parents to seek private alternatives to public education, and spurred local and state governments to support vouchers and charter schools that improved choice' for some, but increased inequalities for others. These solutions to education crises in¯amed deeply rooted tensions and con¯icts about race, class, gender, and regional inequality in public education. These measures did not reduce inequality; instead, they abetted efforts to defend, justify, and perpetuate inequality.Scholarly investigations of education crises and reform strategies contribute to the perpetuation and legitimation of inequality, perhaps unintentionally, by framing research around certain taken-for-granted assumptions underlying education, rather than questioning the fundamental assumptions used to construct the education crisis. In the 1980s, for example, discussions of education reform paralleled discussions of economic restructuring and downsizing. Linking the US decline in the global economy to alleged educational shortcomings, scholars and policy-makers

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“…Thus, as Lyman (1991) has chronicled, among the groups declared ineligible for citizenship were the Burmese, Koreans, Hawaiians, Arabs, and East Indians, while others such as Armenians and Syrians were declared to be white and therefore were permitted to become naturalized citizens. Race as it was deployed in some of these cases was linked to religion (thus, the designation Hindoo contained both religious and racial connotations) or politics.…”

Section: The Dialectic Of Inclusion and Exclusionmentioning

confidence: 99%