Abstract:Whilst both the level and the make-up of public debt are high salience issues, the management of public debt seldom commands public attention. This study examines the quiet politics of public debt management in advanced capitalist societies, comparing debt management reforms and the everyday practice of debt management in Germany and the UK. We present evidence of two factors contributing to the political quietude around public debt management: a persistent absence of partisan contestation and conflict; and th… Show more
“…Under weak derisking, multiple infrastructural entanglements curtail the state's ability to force institutional capital to accept lower returns-let alone losses. The infra/structural power of private finance is hard-wired into weak derisking: governments depend on primary dealers and rating agencies to issue sovereign bonds (Rommerskirchen and van der Heide, 2023); central banks depend on shadow banking institutions to implement monetary policy (Gabor and Ban, 2016;Braun, 2020); and pension systems depend on (alternative) asset managers to deliver returns on retirement portfolios (Braun, 2022;Christophers, 2023). When one state actor attempts to impose losses-be it through central bank balance sheet decarbonization, macroprudential interventions, financial transaction taxes or the introduction of a 'dirty' taxonomy-institutional capital can easily denounce the prohibitive cost such a move would impose on private finance and, therefore, on other state actors.…”
Debates about climate policy have neglected the question of macrofinancial pathways to decarbonisation, not all of which are politically and environmentally viable. We propose a theory of macrofinancial regimes, understood as combinations of monetary, fiscal, and financial institutions that shape the creation and allocation of credit/money, and hence the speed and nature of the green transition. Examining recent green industrial policy initiatives, we distinguish between a weak derisking state that tweaks the risk-return profile on infrastructure assets, and a robust derisking state that intervenes directly in the organisation of production by subsidizing capital expenditure in cleantech manufacturing. Although the derisking state is hegemonic today, coordination problems and regressive distributional consequences render this regime unstable. This instability may tip societies into carbon shock therapy, or it may give rise to a big green state, capable of planning and implementing a just green transition through non-market means of coordination.
“…Under weak derisking, multiple infrastructural entanglements curtail the state's ability to force institutional capital to accept lower returns-let alone losses. The infra/structural power of private finance is hard-wired into weak derisking: governments depend on primary dealers and rating agencies to issue sovereign bonds (Rommerskirchen and van der Heide, 2023); central banks depend on shadow banking institutions to implement monetary policy (Gabor and Ban, 2016;Braun, 2020); and pension systems depend on (alternative) asset managers to deliver returns on retirement portfolios (Braun, 2022;Christophers, 2023). When one state actor attempts to impose losses-be it through central bank balance sheet decarbonization, macroprudential interventions, financial transaction taxes or the introduction of a 'dirty' taxonomy-institutional capital can easily denounce the prohibitive cost such a move would impose on private finance and, therefore, on other state actors.…”
Debates about climate policy have neglected the question of macrofinancial pathways to decarbonisation, not all of which are politically and environmentally viable. We propose a theory of macrofinancial regimes, understood as combinations of monetary, fiscal, and financial institutions that shape the creation and allocation of credit/money, and hence the speed and nature of the green transition. Examining recent green industrial policy initiatives, we distinguish between a weak derisking state that tweaks the risk-return profile on infrastructure assets, and a robust derisking state that intervenes directly in the organisation of production by subsidizing capital expenditure in cleantech manufacturing. Although the derisking state is hegemonic today, coordination problems and regressive distributional consequences render this regime unstable. This instability may tip societies into carbon shock therapy, or it may give rise to a big green state, capable of planning and implementing a just green transition through non-market means of coordination.
Vast literature studies Independent Regulatory Agencies (IRAs). We contribute by studying the benefits of independence when the agent's work is relational and by studying developing and developed democracies worldwide and over many years. We do this by studying national Debt Management Offices (DMOs)—the state agencies that plan, issue, and manage national debt. DMOs define the benchmark assets on which capital markets and monetary policy depend—industry standards—and their decisions have allocative implications. We argue that formal independence of DMOs from political decision‐makers is a costly signal to large financial institutions on the government's potential to service and repay its debts. We introduce a new country‐year dataset of DMO legislation for 75 developing and developed democratic countries in the period 1950–2013. We find that DMO independence is likelier following debt defaults, war, high inflation, and high debts, and that DMO independence increases sovereign debt credibility.
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