The quest for autonomy: The case of Anglophone Cameroon

Abstract

The former British Southern Cameroons opted in a UN organised plebiscite in 1961 to reunify with La Republique du Cameroun to form a federation of two states that were said to be on a footing of equality. But contrary to declarations and expectations, the federation was not one of equal states. It was instead a veiled preparatory stage for the total assimilation of the Southern Cameroons into the highly centralised La Republique du Cameroun francophone unitary state. Through a number of assimilation stages, the Southern Cameroons has lost its autonomy to La République du Cameroun, its people marginalised, institutions destroyed, and the territory neglected in terms of socioeconomic development. This has given rise to agitations by Southern Cameroonians (Anglophones) seeking for a redress of the situation by re-establishing the federal system or, failing which, the autonomy of the Southern Cameroons in a separate state. The Anglophones have genuine grievances and solid legal arguments for their case, but they are faced with a number of obstacles in the struggle to liberate themselves and their territory from La Republique du Cameroun. The obstacles include, besides the resistance strategies of the regime, the lack of credible and committed leadership manifest in the existence of numerous uncoordinated groups with conflicting objectives, and an inappropriate strategy; lack of a uniting factor among Anglophones; intra-Anglophone rivalry, differences. These obstacles facilitate the use of various resistance strategies by the regime such as trivialisation, demonision, divide and rule and repression, together with which they stand firmly in the way of the Anglophone quest for identity. Consequently, unless a credible and committed leader emerges with an appropriate strategy that will convince Anglophones to sink their differences and unite for the struggle, the re-establishment of the autonomy of the Southern Cameroons remains a forlorn hope.

From “Anglophone Problem” to “Anglophone Conflict” in Cameroon: Assessing Prospects for Peace

“…Stronger statements have come from the US Congress, the House of Representatives’ Resolution 358 in July 2019 (US House of Representatives, 2019) and Senate Resolution 684 in January 2021 (US Congress, 2021), with both calling on the government and separatist groups to end the violence and engage in “genuinely inclusive dialogue.” Nonetheless, these resolutions have not led to significant action by the US government. The immediate response, however, of the Cameroon government to the July 2019 House Resolution was to hire a Washington-based public relations firm with close ties to the Republican Party in August 2019 to counter the perceived influence of the US-based Anglophone diaspora (Foute, 2019), another example of the disinformation strategy.…”

“…The disappointed SW elites formed the Southwest Elite Association (SWELA), mainly to counter the new national status of the SDF party (Nyamnjoh and Rowlands, 1998: 327). In addition to SWELANS, those calling for the restoration of the status of West Cameroon (restorationists) and those advocating for an independent Southern Cameroon state (separatists), began to openly advocate for these causes (Fonchingong, 2013).…”

The Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon: A Geopolitical Analysis

“…-The West Cameroon Development Agency (WCDA), which was the structure responsible for economic developments in former West Cameroon (Ebune, 2016). -Other institutions that had been destroyed in favour of those based in the Francophone regions included the West Cameroon Marketing Board; the Santa Coffee Estate; the Yoke Power Station; the Tiko, Victoria and Mamfe sea/river ports, the Tiko, Bisongabang, and Bali airports, amongst others (Fonchingong, 2013). The above projects were rendered defunct by the Ahidjo and Biya's regime after the abolition of the Cameroon Federation in 1972.…”

Perceived Similarity as the Source of the Feeling of Intergroup Threat

“…Anglophone minority accuse Francophones of threat, exploitation and domination; hence the fact that they consider themselves a captive people, colonized by their French-speaking compatriots, accused among others of not taking into account their cultural and linguistic specificities. According to them, Francophones have implemented a subtle and systematic policy of Francophonization of Anglophones, which proceeds by obliterating all reference to anglophony and erasing all the institutional foundations of the anglophone identity (Fonchingong, 2013). Added to this is the unequal distribution of social capital in the areas of residence of the two linguistic communities, hence the construction of a minority, subjugated, marginal and assimilated anglophony (Nguelieutou Tch, 2004;Nkoum-Me-Ntseny, 1996, 1999Tchinda Kenfo, 2017).…”