The Pursuit of International Recognition After Kosovo

Caspersen, Nina

doi:10.1163/19426720-02103004

Cited by 21 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…As mentioned above, the issue of contested statehood and its implications (and consequencesintended or unintended) for EU engagement has remained underresearched. Some scholars have focused on so-called "engagement without recognition" (Cooley and Mitchell 2010;Caspersen 2015;Ker-Lindsay 2015;Ker-Lindsay and Berg 2018). EU studies scholars have focused on the impact of integration and association Diez et al 2008), how domestic actors of contested states understand the EU (Vahl andEmerson 2004, Popescu 2007) and how their representatives interact with it (Bouris and Fernandez Molina 2018), diplomatic issues (Papadimitriou and Petrov 2012), and the EU's state-building efforts but without taking into account the specific parameter of contested statehood (Bieber 2011;Börzel 2011;Bouris 2014).…”

Section: Enter Contested Statehoodmentioning

confidence: 99%

Unintended Consequences of State-building Projects in Contested States: The EU in Palestine

Bouris

2019

The International Spectator

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The existing literature on state-building has focused mainly on post-conflict cases and 'conventional' examples of statehood, without taking into consideration the particularities of states that remain internally and/or externally contested. The EU's engagement in Palestinian state-building through the deployment of EUPOL COPPS and EUBAM Rafah has generated various types of unintended consequences: anticipated and unanticipated, positive and negative, desirable and undesirable, some of which fulfill and some of which frustrate the initial intention. These have important reverberations for the EU's conflict resolution strategies in Israel and Palestine, the most important being the strengthening of power imbalances and the enforcement of the status quo.

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Section: Enter Contested Statehoodmentioning

confidence: 99%

Unintended Consequences of State-building Projects in Contested States: The EU in Palestine

Bouris

2019

The International Spectator

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“…Indeed, the authorities of the de facto entities legislated against initiatives in this direction. For instance, the president of Abkhazia announced the intention to expel those international organizations that offer neutral Georgian travel documents to Abkhazians (Caspersen 2015, 402). Additionally, between 2015 and 2016, both Sukhumi and Tskhinvali passed Laws on Foreign Citizens detrimental of the civic and property rights of dual citizens 22 .…”

Section: Territorial Integrity and Pro-western Orientation: The (Voicmentioning

confidence: 99%

Georgia, the European Union, and the Visa-Free Travel Regime: Between European Identity and Strategic Pragmatism

Loda¹

2019

Nationalities Papers

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In March 2017, Georgian citizens were able to travel visa-free to the Schengen Area. This development was highly significant to Georgia, whose narrative of “belonging to Europe” has long contrasted with the travel restrictions for Georgian citizens, who were previously required to undergo complicated consular procedures. However, this was far from being a routine bilateral negotiation. Visa disparities mirrored the contractual asymmetry between Tbilisi and Brussels. This article focuses on how Georgia calibrated its political discourse vis-à-vis the European Union. After outlining both the symbolic and political relevance of visa liberalization, this work assesses the Georgian political rhetoric at different times: in 2005, when Georgia unilaterally lifted visa requirements for Western visitors, and in 2015 and 2016, when visa liberalization was widely expected. The article’s theoretical framework and the final conclusions are relevant to the study of visa regimes and the external relations of small states.

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“…Paquin's (2010, p. 8) study of U.S. foreign policy toward secessionist entities, for example, defines support quite narrowly as diplomatic recognition because "there is a major difference between granting diplomatic recognition and demonstrating solidarity through material and political means." Caspersen (2015) also notes that such a strategy is constrained externally by the binary division in the international system between sovereign states and everything else and internally by the importance that seeking recognition plays in securing the loyalty of the de facto state's own population.…”

Section: Engagement Without Recognitionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The work highlighted in the progress section on how international norms have helped shaped democratization in de facto states is one area that has received significant attention. Another area that has received scholarly attention has been the whole question of whether the Western-led recognition of Kosovo or the Russian recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia has weakened the strong international normative consensus against secession in favor of territorial integrity (Caspersen, 2015;Crawford, 2007;Fabry, 2012;Ker-Lindsay, 2013). There is a strong consensus among these scholars that post-Cold War state practice is not more favorable to secessionist aspirants than Cold War practice.…”

Section: Prospectsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…It is widely held that great powers prioritize state interests in making recognition decisions (Caspersen, 2015;Coggins, 2014;Ker-Lindsay, 2015). Looking at Kosovo, Caspersen (2015, p. 397) observes that "political considerations clearly predominated, while normative standards were relegated to arguments available to use by great powers if it suited their strategic interests in particular circumstances."…”

Section: Prospectsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Twenty Years of de facto State Studies: Progress, Problems, and Prospects

Pegg¹

2017

Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics

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It has been almost 20 years since the publication of International Society and the De Facto State by Scott Pegg in 1998, the first book-length substantive theoretical attempt to investigate the phenomenon of de facto states—secessionist entities that control territory, provide governance, receive popular support, persist over time, and seek widespread recognition of their proclaimed sovereignty and yet fail to receive it. Even though most de facto states are relatively small and fragile actors, in the intervening years the study of de facto or contested or unrecognized statehood has expanded dramatically. The de facto state literature has contributed significantly to the growing recognition that the international system is far more variegated than is commonly perceived. An initial focus on the external relations of de facto states has increasingly given way to a newer focus on their internal dynamics and domestic state-building processes and on how a lack of sovereign recognition conditions but does not prohibit their democratic, institutional, and political development. Perhaps most notably, there has been an explosion in detailed empirical research based on original data, which has greatly enriched our understanding of these entities. Alas, the subfield of de facto state studies is also characterized by recurrent problems. There has been an extensive proliferation of different terms used to describe these entities, and much fighting has erupted over precise definitions, resulting in limited scholarly progress. Fundamentally, there remains a continued failure to reach agreement on the number of these entities that exist or have existed since 1945. The nuanced and empirically rich academic literature has also largely failed to advance journalists or policymakers’ understanding of de facto states. Yet, the prospects for de facto state studies remain bright. More diverse comparative work, renewed attention to how engagement without recognition might facilitate the participation of unrecognized entities in international politics, a renewed focus on parent state strategies, and increased attention to de facto states and conflict resolution are areas deserving of greater scholarly attention.

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The Pursuit of International Recognition After Kosovo

Cited by 21 publications

References 11 publications

Unintended Consequences of State-building Projects in Contested States: The EU in Palestine

Unintended Consequences of State-building Projects in Contested States: The EU in Palestine

Georgia, the European Union, and the Visa-Free Travel Regime: Between European Identity and Strategic Pragmatism

Twenty Years of de facto State Studies: Progress, Problems, and Prospects

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