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Xhe present chapter is an attempt to trace the evolution of the primeval mentality and reactions toward the dead in the belief that it is important in understanding the development of human dissection. The definition of death as here used is the following: the "cause or occasion of loss of life." Probably prehistoric man puzzled more on this phenomenon than he did on any other theme. Because of his intellectual status, it was more of a mystery to him and his explanation as to its cause was unique and different than ours. Death has always been of more than passing interest to all generations of mankind; there are those who believe that both religion and philosophy are nothing more than meditation upon it (Metchnikoff, '07). One thing which seems to be certain is that the idea of the inevitability of death is a human acquisition. Some animals, like horses and steers, shrink from seeing dead bodies but they have no notion that it is an eventuality. The nearest physiological event occurring naturally during life, with which the primitive mind could compare death, was sleep. So he called the former the "long sleep." He could see, however, that it was of a different kind. His earliest experience with it consisted of observing a tribal member, perhaps a relative, lying cold and silent, clammy to the touch, with glazed eyes staring into space. By contrast to normal slumber, he found that such an individual could not be aroused. The overall picture was such that the presence of the dead filled him with terror, a powerful impulse to flee which he did, thus leaving the body to be ravaged by beasts of prey. Flight and total neglect of the a possible lingering, angry, ghostly influence. Both nature and ancestors were worshiped. All powers were conceived in terms of localized spirits which could be celestial, terrestrial or human. 20 CONCEPTS OF DEAD AMONG ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 21 They were ranked in the following order: those from heaven, earth, deceased emperors, sun, moon and ancestors. The rites of religion were a function of the state and were performed for the people, not by them. The emperor, son of heaven, was the ecclesiastical head of the nation and he alone could perform the ceremonies. By contrast, the classes privately venerated their forbears. The popular faith was practical, the aim being to obtain mundane goods and health in abundance during life. In remote times, the Chinese believed that demons, ghosts, vampires and werewolves populated the country as thickly as human inhabitants and that they could do all kinds of harm. The life of man constituted an incessant battle against them; the only means of defense was considered to be the application of magic and the possible enlistment of their gods as allies. The existence of the dead was imagined to be a ghostly continuation of earthly life in the midst of the living. It was important to them that the dead be properly interred. Great difficulty was often encountered and expense incurred in finding an ideal burial spot. Without this, the spirits might be dissatisfi...
Xhe present chapter is an attempt to trace the evolution of the primeval mentality and reactions toward the dead in the belief that it is important in understanding the development of human dissection. The definition of death as here used is the following: the "cause or occasion of loss of life." Probably prehistoric man puzzled more on this phenomenon than he did on any other theme. Because of his intellectual status, it was more of a mystery to him and his explanation as to its cause was unique and different than ours. Death has always been of more than passing interest to all generations of mankind; there are those who believe that both religion and philosophy are nothing more than meditation upon it (Metchnikoff, '07). One thing which seems to be certain is that the idea of the inevitability of death is a human acquisition. Some animals, like horses and steers, shrink from seeing dead bodies but they have no notion that it is an eventuality. The nearest physiological event occurring naturally during life, with which the primitive mind could compare death, was sleep. So he called the former the "long sleep." He could see, however, that it was of a different kind. His earliest experience with it consisted of observing a tribal member, perhaps a relative, lying cold and silent, clammy to the touch, with glazed eyes staring into space. By contrast to normal slumber, he found that such an individual could not be aroused. The overall picture was such that the presence of the dead filled him with terror, a powerful impulse to flee which he did, thus leaving the body to be ravaged by beasts of prey. Flight and total neglect of the a possible lingering, angry, ghostly influence. Both nature and ancestors were worshiped. All powers were conceived in terms of localized spirits which could be celestial, terrestrial or human. 20 CONCEPTS OF DEAD AMONG ANCIENT CIVILIZATION 21 They were ranked in the following order: those from heaven, earth, deceased emperors, sun, moon and ancestors. The rites of religion were a function of the state and were performed for the people, not by them. The emperor, son of heaven, was the ecclesiastical head of the nation and he alone could perform the ceremonies. By contrast, the classes privately venerated their forbears. The popular faith was practical, the aim being to obtain mundane goods and health in abundance during life. In remote times, the Chinese believed that demons, ghosts, vampires and werewolves populated the country as thickly as human inhabitants and that they could do all kinds of harm. The life of man constituted an incessant battle against them; the only means of defense was considered to be the application of magic and the possible enlistment of their gods as allies. The existence of the dead was imagined to be a ghostly continuation of earthly life in the midst of the living. It was important to them that the dead be properly interred. Great difficulty was often encountered and expense incurred in finding an ideal burial spot. Without this, the spirits might be dissatisfi...
Hristiyanlıktaki Reform süreci Katolik Kilisesi’ne karşı bir protestoyu temsil etmektedir ve çoğu zaman dini alanda düşünce özgürlüğü bağlamında değerlendirilir. Bununla birlikte, Reform hareketlerine önderlik eden bazı Protestan liderlerin kimi zaman “dini alanda özgürlük” ve “yalnızca iman” gibi mottolara aykırı tutumlar sergiledikleri de bir ironi olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Örneğin, Michael Servetus’un (1509-1553) Hristiyanlık hakkındaki görüşlerine en yüksek sesli tepkiyi veren John Calvin (1509-1564) olmuştur ve aleyhte yürüttüğü faaliyetler sebebiyle Servetus 1553’te Katolik Kilisesi tarafından yargılanmış ve diri diri yakılarak öldürülmüştür. Bu makale, özellikle teslis karşıtı düşünceleriyle bilinen Michael Servetus’un infaz edilmesiyle sonuçlanan davada Cenevre’deki Protestan lider John Calvin’in rolünü tartışmaktadır. Kendisi de Katolik Kilisesi’ne eleştirileri ile varlık bulmuş bir hareketin farklı seslere nasıl bir yaklaşım sergilediğinin tespit edilmesi önemlidir. Bu doğrultuda, makalede önce Servetus’un Hristiyanlık anlayışı ele alınmış ve akabinde yargılandığı davada John Calvin’in nasıl bir etkisinin olduğu gündeme getirilmiştir.
Anabaptism was a religious movement of the little people of village and town, affecting in the end almost the whole area of the Germanic dialects from the Tyrol to Flanders, from Alsace to Prussia. Anabaptism, for all its, or perhaps precisely because of its, dissociation from principality and privilege, was more exclusively a Germanic movement than even Lutheranism; for the latter could at least go beyond the Germanic dialects to express itself in a Scandinavian or Slavic tongue; and, of course, Anabaptism was far less international than the Reformed movement. The linguistic containment of Anabaptism is all the more remarkable for the reason that in principle Anabaptism was much more world-minded and mission-minded—because of the seriousness with which it took the great commission— than any variety of the Magisterial Reformation. Yet when it moved beyond the deeply sinused speech frontier to the East, for example, it did so in ethnically and linguistically closed colonies in Moravia, Poland, and elsewhere. Documents from the pens of Anabaptists in French, a Scandinavian tongue, Polish, Czech, or Italian, surviving from the Reformation Era, could be held between two fingers; while the surviving Anabaptist writings in the international language of the Humanists and the Reformers are even fewer. (In contrast, a good deal of the surviving literary corpus of the Spiritualists like Schwenckfeld and especially of the Evangelical Rationalists is in Latin, as well as in the Romance and Slavic tongues and Hungarian.) The little people of Anabaptism were not without recruits and even leadership from former priests and monks with their Latin and an occasional patrician with his Humanist training, but the lingua franca of Anabaptism was German, although progressive modification in idiom was necessary as the radical evangelical gospel was proclaimed by preacher or epistle from North to South.
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