The populist Italian Lega from ethno-regionalism to radical right-wing nationalism: backsliding gender-equality policies with a little help from the anti-gender movement

Donà, Alessia

doi:10.1332/251510819x15657567135115

Cited by 13 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…Defined as 'neo-Catholicism' (Prearo, 2019(Prearo, , 2020, populist leaders in Italy have been at the forefront of this phenomenon. For example, Salvini easily adopted the Vatican's agenda of saving the 'traditional' family, children, and the nation from 'gender ideology' 14 to uphold heteronormative masculinity as hegemonic in the country (Cossutta, 2021; see also Donà, 2020a andGiorgi, 2022). At the same time, Meloni gained popularity by vehemently opposing any political demand advanced by the LGBTQIA+ movement in Italy.…”

Section: 'Reproductive Racism': Meloni's Exclusion Of 'Migrant' Women...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Understanding populist far-right anti-immigration and anti-gender stances beyond the paradigm of gender as ‘a symbolic glue’: Giorgia Meloni’s modern motherhood, neo-Catholicism, and reproductive racism

Indelicato,

Magalhães Lopes

2024

European Journal of Women's Studies

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Building on theoretical framings in critical race and queer studies, this article focuses on the first female prime minister of Italy, Giorgia Meloni, as an entry point to examining the current alignment between far-right populism, anti-gender movements, and White supremacist conspiracy theories in Europe. First, considering the contradictions that female leaders of far-right populist parties seem to negotiate, this article compares Meloni’s communication strategies and political interventions to those of her counterparts in Europe. Second, employing the concept of ‘productive racism’, the article examines Meloni’s birth rate agenda and related ambivalent stance towards ‘migrant’ women. In so doing, this article first demonstrates how existing theoretical frames, developed to examine current entanglements between feminist, anti-gender, and anti-immigration discourses, fall short of explaining why ‘gender’ can be used to ‘stick’ ‘migrant’ and queer subjects together, characterising both as threats to the sexual order of Europe. Even when ‘migrant’ women are depicted as hopeless victims, populist far-right leaders appraise them as either aberrant or otherwise deficient mothers. The article concludes by urging scholars of far-right populism, migration, and religion and their intersections with gender, to adopt race as a primary category of analysis and, therefore, consider that it is race that makes gender ‘stick’ as the common enemy of disparate political actors.

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Section: 'Reproductive Racism': Meloni's Exclusion Of 'Migrant' Women...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Understanding populist far-right anti-immigration and anti-gender stances beyond the paradigm of gender as ‘a symbolic glue’: Giorgia Meloni’s modern motherhood, neo-Catholicism, and reproductive racism

Indelicato,

Magalhães Lopes

2024

European Journal of Women's Studies

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“…VOX' anti-gender and anti-gender equality discourse (Bernardez-Rodal et al, 2022) is common among many populist radical right parties which tend to espouse a conservative view on gender (e.g., Norocel, 2013;Akkerman, 2015;Donà, 2020). In addition, the party does share many other characteristics, including its anti-migration discourse, with the populist radical right party family and the party has been labeled as populist radical right in the scholarly literature (e.g., Gould, 2019;Alonso and Espinosa-Fajardo, 2021;Rama et al, 2021).…”

Section: Case Data and Measurementsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Masculinity, sexism and populist radical right support

et al. 2023

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IntroductionThe gender gap in populist radical right voting—with women being less likely to support populist radical right parties than men—is well-established. Much less is known about the interplay between gender, masculinity and populist radical right voting. This study investigates the extent to which masculinity affects women and men's likelihood of supporting populist radical right parties. Focusing on sexism as a link between masculinity and populist radical right support, we put forward two mechanisms that operate at once: a mediating effect of sexism (sexism explains the association between masculinity and populist radical right voting) and a moderating effect of sexism (the impact of masculinity is stronger among citizens scoring high on sexism compared with citizens with low levels of sexist attitudes).MethodsWe draw on an original dataset collected in Spain at the end of 2020 to investigate support for the Spanish populist radical right party VOX.ResultsWe find support for hypothesized mechanisms, mediation and moderation, chiefly among men. First, sexism explains about half of the link between masculinity and populist radical right support for this group, confirming the hypothesized mediation effect. Second, masculinity has a significantly stronger impact on the likelihood of supporting VOX among men scoring high on sexism, which in turn substantiates the presence of a moderation effect.DiscussionExisting research so far has examined the empirical connections between how individuals perceive their levels of masculinity, sexism, and PRR voting separately. Our study offers a first step in unpacking the relationship between masculinity and PRR support by focusing specifically on how sexism relates to both these variables.

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“…In many European countries, the anti-gender movement has converged with the anti-gender discourses of PRR and conservative party programmes. In Hungary, France, Germany, Poland, Slovakia (Kováts and Põim, 2015) and Italy (Donà, 2020), the political agenda of populist radical right parties has been reframed in such a way as to intercept the claims of religious fundamentalist movements, with the establishment of a strategic alliance against the so-called ‘gender ideology’. The latter is a label that represents the ‘symbolic glue’ (Kováts and Põim, 2015) behind which occur the attacks on the feminist project of equality and social justice (Verloo and Paternotte, 2018).…”

Section: Future Research Directionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

What’s gender got to do with populism?

Donà

2020

European Journal of Women's Studies

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While populism has accumulated an extensive research, its gender dimension has remained largely understudied. Only recently has a literature emerged that focuses on the gender dimension of radical right populist parties in Europe, where they have risen from marginal to government positions. In this article, I provide a guide to the topics and results of this recent development and delineate future research lines. In doing so, I will illustrate the relevance of adopting a gender perspective in studying the phenomenon of populism.

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The populist Italian Lega from ethno-regionalism to radical right-wing nationalism: backsliding gender-equality policies with a little help from the anti-gender movement

Cited by 13 publications

References 0 publications

Understanding populist far-right anti-immigration and anti-gender stances beyond the paradigm of gender as ‘a symbolic glue’: Giorgia Meloni’s modern motherhood, neo-Catholicism, and reproductive racism

Understanding populist far-right anti-immigration and anti-gender stances beyond the paradigm of gender as ‘a symbolic glue’: Giorgia Meloni’s modern motherhood, neo-Catholicism, and reproductive racism

Masculinity, sexism and populist radical right support

What’s gender got to do with populism?

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