The politics of Singapore in the 1980s

Haas, Michael

doi:10.1080/00472338980000051

Cited by 15 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 3 publications

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“…The post-Independence period has been characterized by the dominance of the PAP and what has been referred to as 'illiberal democracy' (Rodan 1993) or 'communitarian democracy' (Chua 1995). The PAP has effectively restricted the growth of a participatory parliamentary system and instead fostered a 'mass society' characterized by a lack of political institutions between the state and the people (Haas 1989;Tamney 1996). Hussin Mutalib (2000: 316) claims that Singapore's model of 'inclusionary corporatism' by which he means that the PAP plays 'an interventionist, centrally coordinated and paternalistic role in many sectors of society', has led to political compliance and depoliticization among the citizenry.…”

Section: Overview Of the Political System In Singaporementioning

confidence: 98%

A politics of accommodation

Lyons

2005

International Feminist Journal of Politics

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Section: Overview Of the Political System In Singaporementioning

confidence: 98%

A politics of accommodation

Lyons

2005

International Feminist Journal of Politics

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“…Many scholars have remarked on the strict controls that Singapore's ruling party, the People's Action Party (PAP), places on NGOs and other civil society actors. Writing in the late 1980s, Michael Haas (1989) argued that despite a parliament modelled on Westminster-style democracy, the PAP has effectively restricted the growth of a participatory parliamentary system, and instead fostered a 'mass society' characterised by a lack of political institutions between the state and the people; Singapore lacks an effective civil society. Since the mid-1990s, however, the PAP has sought to encourage the growth of a more active citizenry through the promotion of civic society.…”

Section: Fostering Active Citizenshipmentioning

confidence: 99%

Transient Workers Count Too? The Intersection of Citizenship and Gender in Singapore´ s Civil Society

Lyons¹

2005

Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia

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I look forward to working together with all Singaporeans and with a broad spectrum of civic groups to grow our civic society, strengthen our sense of pride and ownership, and draw us closer together as one people. But remember that unity, pride and ownership depends also on a sense of common goals and shared visions (Lee 2004a). In January 2004, in a landmark speech outlining his political platform as Singapore's Prime Minister Designate, Lee Hsien Loong spoke at length about 'civic society' and 'active citizenry'. He argued that it is the responsibility of all Singaporeans to promote active participation in Singapore's social and cultural life. Such involvement requires continued commitment to a set of national values and a sense of 'common goals and shared visions'. Lee's comments are consistent with statements made by previous leaders about the creation of a sphere of civil society that reflects 'Asian values' such as consensus ahead of confrontation. According to Lee, Singapore's civic society will be made up of active citizens who contribute to the state's nation-building project by providing thoughtful feedback and participating in state-sanctioned grassroots activities. This vision remains bounded, however, by the parameters of the nation-state; civic society is a space occupied by citizens engaged in the national project. And yet, the Singaporean nation is intrinsically linked to the global political economy and subject to transnational flows of capital, people, ideas, and disease. Although Singapore recovered relatively quickly from the Asian financial crises of the late 1990s, in recent years economic growth has been impacted by global terrorism and SARS. As unemployment rates rise and wages are cut, Singaporean workers are increasingly concerned about the presence of large numbers of migrant workers, 'foreign talent' 2 and permanent residents whose commitment to the nation is questioned. It is against this backdrop that in August 2004 a group calling itself 'Transient Workers Count Too' (TWC2) was formed to advocate on behalf of migrant workers in Singapore. Using the TWC2 as a case study, this paper examines the efforts of Singapore's 'active citizens' to address the forces of transnational labour migration. By juxtaposing Lee Hsien Loong's statements about civic society against the work of the TWC2, this study brings into relief the underlying tensions between the 1 Earlier versions of this paper were presented at the CAPSTRANS Newcastle Seminar Series, and the Singapore Studies Workshop held at the University of Wollongong in October 2004. I want to thank colleagues who participated in those seminars for their thoughtful questions and feedback. I also wish to thank two anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and suggestions. 2 A term used to describe expatriate white-collar professionals. The term 'migrant worker' is used for low-skilled workers in the construction and manufacturing industries, as well as domestic workers.

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“…Much of this work has focused on the dominant role played by the ruling elite of the People's Action Party (PAP) in both opening up and closing down spaces for civil society engagement (see for example Chua 1995Chua , 2000Rodan 1996). Numerous writers have documented the political repression and authoritarianism of the Singapore state (see Rodan 1993Rodan , 1996Haas 1989;Khong 1995;Singh 1992). This has led some commentators to conclude that despite a parliament modelled on Westminster-style democracy, the PAP has effectively restricted the growth of a participatory parliamentary system, and instead fostered a 'mass society' characterised by a lack of political institutions between the state and the people; that is, that Singapore lacks an effective 'civil society' (Haas 1989;Tamney 1996).…”

Section: This Issue)mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Numerous writers have documented the political repression and authoritarianism of the Singapore state (see Rodan 1993Rodan , 1996Haas 1989;Khong 1995;Singh 1992). This has led some commentators to conclude that despite a parliament modelled on Westminster-style democracy, the PAP has effectively restricted the growth of a participatory parliamentary system, and instead fostered a 'mass society' characterised by a lack of political institutions between the state and the people; that is, that Singapore lacks an effective 'civil society' (Haas 1989;Tamney 1996). More recently, Garry Rodan (2003, p.505) has argued that Singapore exhibits 'civil society forces' rather than genuine civil society.…”

Section: This Issue)mentioning

confidence: 99%