The Politics of NGOs and Democratic Governance in South Korea and Japan

Abstract

The growing number of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) is fundamentally reshaping the balance of power and the roles of NGOs in democratic governance in Japanese and Korean politics, but in distinctive ways. Korean advocacy NGOs influence policymaking by focusing on politics at the center, while Japanese NGOs achieve influence by focusing on local politics. Whereas Korean NGOs tend to be contentious and politicized, Japanese NGOs adopt more pragmatic and cooperative stances. What factors explain these significant differences in the character of NGOs and the patterns of their participation in democratic politics in Japan and Korea? This paper argues that the effects of the historical development of civil society are essential components to any explanation of the patterns of NGOs' relations with the government and the public and their organizational structure and strategies. Civic associations in both countries have both exploited and been empowered by developments in party politics, the public's receptiveness to NGOs, and state actors' attitudes toward NGOs. By comparing NGOs in Japan and Korea, this paper aims to enhance our understanding of the similarities and differences in both countries' civil societies, as well as of the factors that have led to these distinctive patterns of NGO politics.

Leprosy, Legal Mobilization, and the Public Sphere in Japan and South Korea

“…But by April 2005, Kim's staff and Hanvit officers had drafted the Special Law. Hanvit officers had considered “the legislative route more expedient than litigation for obtaining state support for Korea's aging leprosy population.” Characteristic of Korea's comparatively professionalized and centrally run advocacy model (S. J. Lee and Arrington ; Third Sector Institute : 80), Hanvit also limited the number of people involved in the legislative process . In repeated meetings with the legislator and his staff, but not HHRLG members, Hanvit officers demanded compensation, an official apology, and public activities to restore leprosy victims' honor ( myeongye hoebok ) as Japanese claimants had.…”

“…46 Characteristic of Korea's comparatively professionalized and centrally run advocacy model (S. J. Lee and Arrington 2008;Third Sector Institute 2006: 80), Hanvit also limited the number of people involved in the legislative process. 47 In repeated meetings with the legislator and his staff, but not HHRLG members, Hanvit officers demanded compensation, an official apology, and public activities to restore leprosy victims' honor (myeongye hoebok) as Japanese claimants had.…”

Who Receives Media Attention in South Korea: Analysing Internal and External Pluralism in the News Coverage of Policy Debates

“…Frequent coverage of the largest and the most prominent industry associations*Federation of Korean Industries and Korea Chamber of Commerce*is not surprising at all, particularly given the important presence of these groups in Korea's economic policymaking (see E. Kim, 2009). Similarly, Hyundai-Asan is an arm group of Hyundai, one of the largest conglomerate groups in (Lee and Arrington, 2008).…”

The Changing Roles of Civil Society in Democratization: Evidence from South Africa (1990-2009) and South Korea (1987-2009)

“…In the fi eld of socio-economic development, civil society organizations have been vociferous in condemning government's economic policies leading to the 1997 crisis, when the country was on the verge of an economic collapse, and supported redistributive reforms, demanding more transparency and accountability in both the public and private sector (Kim E. M., 2000;Kim S., 2000;Lee and Arrington, 2008).…”