The Politics of Military Reform in Indonesia and Nigeria

Rüland, Jürgen; Manea, Maria-Gabriela

doi:10.1007/978-3-642-29624-6_1

Cited by 8 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 26 publications

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“…The only other arena in which some civilian influence on defence strategies occurs, then, is the parliamentary committee that cooperates with the defence ministry. Committee I, which covers defence, communications, international relations and intelligence, has the right to question defence ministry and armed forces officials on their long-term defence strategy, and it makes extensive use of that right (Rueland & Manea, 2012). But while nodding politely, military representatives have rarely made fundamental changes to their strategy based on this feedback.…”

Section: Arenas Of Civilian Controlmentioning

confidence: 99%

Democracy and Military Oversight in Crisis: The Failed Civilianisation of Indonesia’s Ministry of Defence

Mietzner

2023

Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs

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In 1998, Indonesia endeavoured to civilianise its defence department after decades of military-dominated rule. This civilianisation project was widely seen as a crucial element of democratisation itself. But the initiative ended in disillusionment: by 2014, the ministry was again placed under a conservative former general, and in 2019, it came under the control of Prabowo Subianto, an ambitious ex-military leader with strong ties to the pre-1998 autocratic regime. As a result, the reform drive in the ministry came to a halt, and civilians were marginalised again. This article argues that several factors account for this reform failure: first, the ministry’s long subordination to the military prior to 1998; second, the lack of will and power on the part of civilian ministers between 1999 and 2014 to pursue meaningful reforms; and third, a larger roll-back of democratic reforms beginning in the 2010s. Embedding these latest developments in a larger historical context, the article demonstrates that the defence ministry has been a barometer of Indonesia’s fluctuating democratic quality over time.

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Section: Arenas Of Civilian Controlmentioning

confidence: 99%

Democracy and Military Oversight in Crisis: The Failed Civilianisation of Indonesia’s Ministry of Defence

Mietzner

2023

Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs

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“…This political patronage weakened the DPR’s function, becoming a symbol of representative democracy in Indonesia due to the DPR’s lack of criticality towards the Soeharto government in overseeing its policies. Rüland and Manea (2013: 124) explained how the policy-making initiative came from the executive and improved the DPR, which lasted for a long period and caused the executive to dominate the DPR’s political process. Changes gradually occurred several years before the New Order regime collapsed in May 1998.…”

Section: Dysfunction Of the Dpr During The New Order Eramentioning

confidence: 99%

Oligarchy in the Jokowi government and its influence on the implementation of legislative function in Indonesia

Asrinaldi

Yusoff

Karim

2021

Asian Journal of Comparative Politics

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The weak implementation of the House of Representatives’, or Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat’s (DPR), function indicates stagnation in Indonesia’s democracy. This fact is due to the party oligarchy’s stronghold in the Jokowi government, which ignores the nature of public representation that should be carried out. The oligarchy controls the government and DPR’s performance in establishing political compromises for every legislative policy with the government to facilitate the affairs of party oligarchs, who are also the members of the Jokowi government coalition. In addition, they engage in cartel politics to secure their respective power and material interests. This article examines the roles of party oligarchs in influencing the implementation of political functions in the DPR. Ironically, the coalition formed by the party oligarchy has helped the Jokowi government and the DPR to secure government policies and the economic and political interests of the oligarchic group.

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“…For instance, research on Indonesian and Nigerian parliaments as political actors and arenas of military reform revealed that important political battles of the reform process have been waged for passing laws that ensure guaranteed access to information. However, when this was not successful, further progress for SSR was hampered (Rüland et al 2012). Given that the state is the only entity that can guarantee the implementation of human rights principles, such as freedom of access to information, SSG/R, if successfully implemented, can substantially contribute to the attainment of Target 16.10, especially with regards to access to security-related information.…”

Section: B Differences Between Ssg/r and Sdg-16mentioning

confidence: 99%

Introduction

Dursun-Özkanca

2021

The Nexus Between Security Sector Governance/Reform and Sustainable Development Goal-16: An Examination of Conceptual Linkages

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Chapter 1. Introduction 1 a. A roadmap 3 b. The security-development nexus 3 c. United Nations' approach to the security-development nexus 4 d. Other international organizations' approaches to the security-development nexus 6 e. The security-development nexus debate in academia and policymaking 7 Chapter 2. Literature Review 11 a. The literature on SSG/R i. SSG/R and development ii. Critiques of the SSR-development nexus b. The literature on sustainable development, Agenda 2030, and SDG-16 i. Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) ii. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)

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The Politics of Military Reform in Indonesia and Nigeria

Cited by 8 publications

References 26 publications

Democracy and Military Oversight in Crisis: The Failed Civilianisation of Indonesia’s Ministry of Defence

Democracy and Military Oversight in Crisis: The Failed Civilianisation of Indonesia’s Ministry of Defence

Oligarchy in the Jokowi government and its influence on the implementation of legislative function in Indonesia

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