The Political Economy of the Post-Soviet De Facto States: A Paired Comparison of Transnistria and the Donetsk People’s Republic

Marandici, Ion; Leşanu, Alexandru

doi:10.1080/10758216.2020.1785317

Cited by 13 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 34 publications

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“…The two separatist regions in eastern Ukraine, Donetsk and Luhansk, engage in similar processes, at least before the 2022 war. Akin to the case of Transnistria, Donbas had no autonomous structures in the USSR, and the ongoing conflict that started in 2014 in the context of Euromaidan is not immanently ethnic (Oleksy and Studenna-Skrukwa 2019;Marandici and Leșanu 2020). In eastern Ukraine, including Donbasand before war-related massive displacement of people -, 85.5 percent of the population is ethnically Ukrainian (11.7 percent is ethnically Russian), with 43 percent of the respondents identifying as Russian-only speakers (Lennon and Adams 2019, 664).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Victory Day (9 May) signifies the "liberation of the Transnistrian people" from the "fascist threat" (Cojocaru and Suhan 2006, 157-158), and the 1992 war confirms the constant aggressive attitude of Moldovan Bessarabian national-fascist authorities (Cojocaru and Suhan 2006, 157;Svet 2013, 111). Each March 2, de facto President Krasnoselski solemnly commemorates the Massive Resistance to the Aggression by Moldova (Marandici 2020).…”

Section: Separatist Cause Justified: the Transnistrian Peoplementioning

confidence: 99%

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Legitimizing the Separatist Cause: Nation-building in the Eurasiande factoStates

Dembińska

2022

Nationalities Papers

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This article compares the nation-building processes in four well-established Eurasian de facto states. Although all four pursue a set of identity politics that would legitimize the separatist cause, comparing them reveals important differences in boundary-making strategies. While maintaining the image of the enemy parent-state and of an imminent external threat is a common endeavor, they face different challenges and thus have pursued different strategies of identity-building. Transnistria and Abkhazia are two ethnically heterogeneous entities while Nagorno-Karabakh and South Ossetia are more homogeneous since (forced) displacements, mostly of non-titular ethnicities, took place. The Abkhazs, Ossetians, and Armenians claim titular status in their respective regions, but only the latter two have kin in neighboring countries with whom they want to unify. Meanwhile, the “Transnistrian people” is a newly invented construct. Despite their lack of international recognition, the article demonstrates that – apart from a special emphasis on cultivating the image of the “enemy parent-state” – the nation-building mechanisms in the de facto states do not substantially differ from the processes at work in other post-Soviet states presented in this Special Issue.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Separatist Cause Justified: the Transnistrian Peoplementioning

confidence: 99%

Legitimizing the Separatist Cause: Nation-building in the Eurasiande factoStates

Dembińska

2022

Nationalities Papers

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“…Receiving significant Russian military assistance, Tiraspol successfully fought a brief war with Moldova in 1992, defending its status. Since then, Transnistria survived for three decades, mostly due to its pragmatic approach regarding economic cooperation with Moldova and the support received from Russia as its patron state (Marandici and Leșanu 2021). Despite several settlement plans proposed over the years, the conflict between Moldova and Transnistria remained unresolved, but largely peaceful.…”

Section: Transnistria's Limited Autonomy Vis-à-vis Russia and Sheriffmentioning

confidence: 99%

Great Power Competition, Clientelism, and De Facto States: Transnistria and Taiwan Compared

Marandici

2024

Nationalities Papers

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To what extent can de facto states act autonomously vis-à-vis their patron states and domestic societies? This article draws on theories of clientelism in international relations to develop a novel argument explaining the agency of de facto states. Examining two strategic triangles—Russia–Transnistria–Moldova and US–Taiwan–China—it demonstrates that interrelated domestic factors such as robust political competition, democratic pluralism, reimagined national identities, and big business shape the autonomy of de facto states in Eastern Europe and East Asia. Furthermore, the structured focused comparison of Transnistria and Taiwan indicates that the agency of de facto states declines when rising parent states and dissatisfied patron states challenge the status quo, engaging in great power competition. Their autonomy varies across areas of low and high politics, as patron states prioritize military-security issues and interfere less in the economic and cultural affairs of the de facto states.

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“…For instance, the Poroshenko administration cut off trade ties with the self-proclaimed republics after war veterans instituted an informal blockade, opposing commerce with Donbas. 18 Likewise, the revival of the Steinmeier formula in 2019 provoked massive protests as renewed dialogue was framed as another capitulation. Protesters publicized a set of red lines including opposition to federalization and immediate demilitarization.…”

Section: The Impasse In Donbasmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Perils of Biased Power Mediation: Insights from the Secessionist Conflicts in Moldova and Ukraine

Marandici¹

2022

Georgetown Journal of International Affairs

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The Political Economy of the Post-Soviet De Facto States: A Paired Comparison of Transnistria and the Donetsk People’s Republic

Cited by 13 publications

References 34 publications

Legitimizing the Separatist Cause: Nation-building in the Eurasiande factoStates

Legitimizing the Separatist Cause: Nation-building in the Eurasiande factoStates

Great Power Competition, Clientelism, and De Facto States: Transnistria and Taiwan Compared

The Perils of Biased Power Mediation: Insights from the Secessionist Conflicts in Moldova and Ukraine

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