2014
DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2470325
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The Political Economy of Beliefs: Why Fiscal and Social Conservatives/Liberals Come Hand-in-Hand

Abstract: Religious provision of social insurance may explain why fiscal and social conservatism align in the times and places that they do. We find evidence that religious groups with greater within-group charitable giving are more against the welfare state and more socially conservative. The alignment disappears when there is a state church and it reverses for members of a state church (social conservatives become fiscal liberals). This reversal is unlikely to be due to omitted variables: In two quasi-experiments, inc… Show more

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Cited by 11 publications
(5 citation statements)
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“…38 For example, eminent domain jurisprudence impacts economic growth (Belloni et al 2011). Courts of Appeals decisions also have a causal effect on District Courts decisions ) and norms Chen et al 2016f;Chen and Lind 2014).…”
Section: Us Courts Of Appealsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…38 For example, eminent domain jurisprudence impacts economic growth (Belloni et al 2011). Courts of Appeals decisions also have a causal effect on District Courts decisions ) and norms Chen et al 2016f;Chen and Lind 2014).…”
Section: Us Courts Of Appealsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…While religion is likely to increase charitable behavior, religious individuals may prefer a lesser role for government in redistributive policies. This is because religious belief and participation (in form of charitable behavior) act as insurance in times of hardships reducing the need for state-led distributive policies (Iannaccone 1992; Chen and Lind 2005; Pepinsky and Welborne 2011). By extension, the devout might be less inclined than less religious in favoring redistributive egalitarian policies, and subsequently the proposed mediating effect of religiously informed social justice values may be null.…”
Section: Alternative Explanationsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Political scientists and commentators alike often view the middle class as the herald of secular democratic values, according to what has been characterized as the 'modernization theory' (Lipset, 1959). In parallel, poorer voters are often described as both more religious and more likely to depend on the charitable organizations associated with religious parties (Huber and Stanig, 2011;Chen and Lind, 2015). According to these views, support for traditional values and religious parties comes from the poorest, disenfranchised classes.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…We contribute to the literature on religion and political preferences, and to the literature on political Islam in particular. Previous papers, most notably Huber and Stanig (2011) and Chen and Lind (2015), have argued that religiosity reduces the desired tax rate, since religious people benefit from social insurance and other goods provided by the church, which tampers the demand for a welfare state. We share with this literature the view that the state and the church compete to provide certain goods.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
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