The phonology of Anatolian reduplication

Yates, Anthony D.; Zukoff, Sam

doi:10.1163/22125892-00601001

Cited by 6 publications

(2 citation statements)

References 44 publications

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“…Total reduplication in Acehnese is very straightforward because the reduplicant is generally identical to the stem. This is the characteristic of reduplication in Austronesian languages such as Hawaiian (Alderete & MacMillan, 2015), Papapana (Smith, 2016), Isbukun Bunun (Lin, 2019), and Palembang (Alsamadani & Taibah, 2019), as well as other language families such as Indo-European languages (Rácová & Samko, 2015;Yates & Zukoff, 2018). Acehnese allows open and closed syllables, and no coda deletion has been found in reduplicants.…”

Section: Total Reduplicationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Phonology of Acehnese Reduplication: Applying Optimality Theory

Mustafa

2023

LLT Journal

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Reduplication in Acehnese serves many functions such as plurality, reciprocity, emphasis, continuity, and repetitions. This word formation process has been previously analyzed in terms of morphology and traditional phonology. The present study was aimed at discovering constraint ordering of the reduplication to find out the rules which govern each pattern of reduplication in the language. The study employed Correspondence Theory under the umbrella of Optimality Theory, focusing on full and partial reduplication, leaving out rhyming reduplication due to framework limitation. The results show that all patterns of reduplication in Acehnese follow normal application where well-formedness proceeds faithfulness (MAX-IO) and precedes reduplicative identity (MAX-BR). The well-formedness for full reduplication only includes constraint of complex nucleus, where a final diphthong in the base changes to a monophthong in the reduplicant. For partial reduplication, constraint for well-formedness is that the syllable should be open, preceded by reduplicant size of no more than one syllable and alignment (either left for reduplicating prefix or right for reduplicating suffix). The well-formedness is proceeded by no insertion (DEP-BR). This study indicates the need to establish ranking of constraints which govern the phonology of Acehnese outside the context of reduplication, which is suggestion for future studies.

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Section: Total Reduplicationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Phonology of Acehnese Reduplication: Applying Optimality Theory

Mustafa

2023

LLT Journal

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“…The principal issue with this analysis is that it fails to account for the older and more abundant evidence for [áː] (< *ó) in the derivational suffix; for discussion and further arguments in support of *sh2i-mónsee Yates (2020b:252-256). 100 On the reduplicative pattern see Yates & Zukoff (2018). 101 Ved.…”

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confidence: 99%

A new prosodic reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European *-mon-stems

Yates

2022

Indo-Eur. Linguist.

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It is widely thought that (i) Proto-Indo-European had *-mon-stem nominals formed by internal derivation from neuter *-men-stems and that (ii) these *-mon-stems were characterized by “amphikinetic” inflection, thus stressed full-grade of the root in their strong case forms (*R(é)-mon-). This paper challenges the latter claim, arguing that these forms instead had stem-final stress (*R(e)-món-). I adduce prosodic evidence in support of this alternative reconstruction from Lithuanian, Greek, Hittite, and above all Vedic Sanskrit, where the attested reflexes of these *-mon-stems consistently show stem-final stress. I then propose a new account of their root full-grade, which on this new reconstruction is phonologically irregular, since it surfaces in a pretonic syllable. I contend that this full-grade was synchronically transferred from their neuter *-men-stem bases. In this respect, internally derived *-mon-stems are shown to pattern morphophonologically with other reconstructible non-primary derivatives, which similarly acquire their root vocalism from their derivational bases.

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The phonology, phonetics, and diachrony of Sturtevant’s Law

Yates

2019

Indo-Eur. Linguist.

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This paper presents a systematic reassessment of Sturtevant’s Law (Sturtevant 1932), which governs the differing outcomes of Proto-Indo-European voiced and voiceless obstruents in Hittite (Anatolian). I argue that Sturtevant’s Law was a conditioned pre-Hittite sound change whereby (i) contrastively voiceless word-medial obstruents regularly underwent gemination (cf. Melchert 1994), but gemination was blocked for stops in pre-stop position; and (ii) the inherited [±voice] contrast was then lost, replaced by the [±long] opposition observed in Hittite (cf. Blevins 2004). I provide empirical and typological support for this novel restriction, which is shown not only to account straightforwardly for data that is problematic under previous analyses, but also to be phonetically motivated, a natural consequence of the poorly cued durational contrast between voiceless and voiced stops in pre-stop environments. I develop an optimality-theoretic analysis of this gemination pattern in pre-Hittite, and discuss how this grammar gave rise to synchronic Hittite via “transphonologization” (Hyman 1976, 2013). Finally, it is argued that this analysis supports deriving the Hittite stop system from the Proto-Indo-European system as traditionally reconstructed with an opposition between voiceless, voiced, and breathy voiced stops (contra Kloekhorst 2016, Jäntti 2017).

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The phonology of Anatolian reduplication

Cited by 6 publications

References 44 publications

Phonology of Acehnese Reduplication: Applying Optimality Theory

Phonology of Acehnese Reduplication: Applying Optimality Theory

A new prosodic reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European *-mon-stems

The phonology, phonetics, and diachrony of Sturtevant’s Law

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