The phonetics of information structure in Yoloxóchitl Mixtec

DiCanio, Christian; Benn, Joshua; García, Rey Castillo

doi:10.1016/j.wocn.2018.03.001

Cited by 18 publications

(34 citation statements)

References 50 publications

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“…Compared to the earlier-aligned AP-final H tone, the later-aligned H tone provided stronger low-level acoustic cues to word boundaries, in that it resulted in a steeper H-to-L pitch slope from the word-final syllable to the word-initial syllable. The degree of steepness in F0 rises and falls has been known to serve as a salient tonal feature to mark prominence across languages (e.g., Baumann & Winter, 2018;DiCanio, Benn, & García, 2018;Knight, 2008;Ots, 2017;Rietveld & Gussenhoven, 1985). It is therefore reasonable to assume that the steeper lowering created by the later-aligned AP-final H tone is perceptually salient and enhances the percept of the possible boundary.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Phonetic and phonological effects of tonal information in the segmentation of Korean speech: An artificial-language segmentation study

Tremblay

Cho²,

Kim

et al. 2019

Applied Psycholinguistics

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This study investigates how the fine-grained phonetic realization of tonal cues impacts speech segmentation when the cues signal the same word boundary in the native and unfamiliar languages but do so differently. Korean listeners use the phrase-final high (H) tone and the phrase-initial low (L) tone to segment speech into words (Kim, Broersma, & Cho, 2012; Kim & Cho, 2009), but it is unclear how the alignment of the phrase-final H tone and the scaling of the phrase-initial L tone modulate their speech segmentation. Korean listeners completed three artificial-language (AL) tasks (within-subject): (a) one AL without tonal cues; (b) one AL with later-aligned phrase-final H cues (non-Korean-like); and (c) one AL with earlier-aligned phrase-final H cues (Korean-like). Three groups of Korean listeners heard (b) and (c) in three phrase-initial L scaling conditions (between-subject): high (non-Korean-like), mid (non-Korean-like), or low (Korean-like). Korean listeners’ segmentation improved as the L tone was lowered, and (b) enhanced segmentation more than (c) in the high- and mid-scaling conditions. We propose that Korean listeners tune in to low-level cues (the greater H-to-L slope in [b]) that conform to the Korean intonational grammar when the phrase-initial L tone is not canonical phonologically.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Phonetic and phonological effects of tonal information in the segmentation of Korean speech: An artificial-language segmentation study

Tremblay

Cho²,

Kim

et al. 2019

Applied Psycholinguistics

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“…The main acoustic realization of stress is increased duration. Final vowels are approximately 30-50% longer than penultimate vowels in words produced in isolation (DiCanio, Amith & Castillo García 2012, DiCanio, Benn & Castillo García 2018. Moreover, there is a distributional asymmetry with respect to tone on roots, with far more tonal contrasts occurring on root-final than penultimate syllables (DiCanio, Amith & Castillo García 2014).…”

Section: Stress and The Phonetics Of The Wordmentioning

confidence: 99%

Phonetic structure in Yoloxóchitl Mixtec consonants

DiCanio¹,

Zhang²,

Whalen³

et al. 2019

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

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While Mixtec languages are well-known for their tonal systems, there remains relatively little work focusing on their consonant inventories. This paper provides an in-depth phonetic description of the consonant system of the Yoloxóchitl Mixtec language (Oto-Manguean, ISO 639-3 code xty), a Guerrero Mixtec variety. The language possesses a number of contrasts common among Mixtec languages, such as voiceless unaspirated stops, prenasalized stops, and a strong tendency for words to conform to a minimally bimoraic structure. Using a controlled set of data, we focus on how WORD SIZE and WORD POSITION influence the acoustic properties of different consonant types. We examine closure duration, VOT, and formant transitions with the stop series, spectral moments with the fricative series, the timing between oral and nasal closure with the prenasalized stop series, and both formant transitions and qualitative variability with the glide series. The general effect of WORD SIZE is discussed in relation to work on POLYSYLLABIC SHORTENING

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“…On the contrary, work on the timing of f 0 events with respect to moras (Myers, 2003;Morén and Zsiga, 2006;Zsiga and Nitisaroj, 2007;DiCanio et al, 2014) would suggest more specifically that it is the duration of moraic segments that would be the basis for predicting the timing of f 0 timing events. The moraic segment intervals are V 1 and C 2 in the case of closed syllables (CVC/CVVN).…”

Section: Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…It was expected that the difference between moraic and non-moraic segments would be important in f 0 timing, due to the demonstrated importance of the distinction in Luganda phonology (Tucker, 1962;Hyman, 1992;Hyman and Katamba 2010), as well as the findings of previous studies of f 0 timing in other tone languages (Myers, 2003;Morén and Zsiga, 2006;Zsiga and Nitisaroj, 2007;DiCanio et al, 2014). However, contrary to these expectations, it was found in this study that the moraic status of a segment played no role in f 0 timing in Luganda.…”

Section: Tone Alignmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The mora, as in Figure 1, has been argued to be the segmental basis of f 0 timing in Thai (Morén and Zsiga, 2006;Zsiga and Nitisaroj, 2007) and in Yoloxóchitl Mixtec (DiCanio et al, 2014). But Howie (1974) and Silverman and Pierrehumbert (1990) used the rime as their segmental timing reference interval, while Van Santen and Hirschberg (1994), Prieto et al (1995), Myers (1999), and Xu (2001) argued that f 0 events are timed with respect to syllables.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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F₀Timing and Tone Contrasts in Luganda

Myers¹,

Namyalo²,

Kiriggwajjo³

2018

Phonetica

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Scholars of Luganda (Bantu, Uganda) have described a contrast between falling and high tone, which is limited to syllables with a long vowel or a coda. The contrast has been represented with H on the first mora of a falling-tone syllable and on both moras in a high-tone syllable. This article explores this contrast through an instrumental study of the timing of f₀ events in Luganda. It was found that the 2-tone classes differed in the timing of both the f₀ rise and the subsequent f₀ fall, supporting a reanalysis of the contrast as one between an early high tone and a late high tone. It was also found that for the speakers in this study, the contrast was limited to syllables with long vowels. The timing of f₀ events was sensitive to the duration of segments in the CVC interval centered on the high-toned syllable, including non-moraic elements and consonants outside the syllable. The association of a tone to a syllable identifies the segments relevant for the timing of the f₀ contour, but that timing is not directly sensitive to the interval of the syllable.

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The phonetics of information structure in Yoloxóchitl Mixtec

Cited by 18 publications

References 50 publications

Phonetic and phonological effects of tonal information in the segmentation of Korean speech: An artificial-language segmentation study

Phonetic and phonological effects of tonal information in the segmentation of Korean speech: An artificial-language segmentation study

Phonetic structure in Yoloxóchitl Mixtec consonants

F₀Timing and Tone Contrasts in Luganda

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The phonetics of information structure in Yoloxóchitl Mixtec

Cited by 18 publications

References 50 publications

Phonetic and phonological effects of tonal information in the segmentation of Korean speech: An artificial-language segmentation study

Phonetic and phonological effects of tonal information in the segmentation of Korean speech: An artificial-language segmentation study

Phonetic structure in Yoloxóchitl Mixtec consonants

F0Timing and Tone Contrasts in Luganda

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F₀Timing and Tone Contrasts in Luganda