“…Second, arts districts may become well‐known and established ‘art scenes’ due to stellar artists or sales (Szanto, ; Rothenberg, ). In turn, their growing reputation generates symbolic capital (Bourdieu, ) for those who are associated with these places and draws in more artists and galleries (Halle and Tiso, ; Thompson, ; Rothenberg, ; Forkert, ). The social and economic values of arts districts to artists are summarized by the Chinese artist Huang Rui, who was among the first to initiate the 798 Arts District in Beijing, as follows:Artists seem to like to stick together—their existence can be lonely and alone, but they're nonetheless powerful as a collective.…”
Section: Situating Arts Districts In the Urban Land And Art Marketsmentioning
This article examines the dual role of arts districts as places situated simultaneously in the urban land and art markets. It highlights the need for research into arts districts to take this dual role into account, as well as the impact that the two markets can have on these places. While the impact of the art market on land values in arts districts has been studied in some cases of art‐led gentrification, there has been limited consideration of how the changing organization and structure of the art world and art market have affected these places, especially during the last decade. Through a case study of 798 Arts District in Beijing, China, this article demonstrates that both land value and the art market situation need to be taken into account when explaining changes to and/or the spatial stickiness of an art scene, and that an artist community's investment in the value of an arts district as a generator of symbolic capital in the art market could be one driver of land value. The article concludes by advocating for greater attention to the dual market role of arts districts, as well as a stronger engagement with the knowledge produced by art scholars in geographical and urban studies of arts districts.
“…Second, arts districts may become well‐known and established ‘art scenes’ due to stellar artists or sales (Szanto, ; Rothenberg, ). In turn, their growing reputation generates symbolic capital (Bourdieu, ) for those who are associated with these places and draws in more artists and galleries (Halle and Tiso, ; Thompson, ; Rothenberg, ; Forkert, ). The social and economic values of arts districts to artists are summarized by the Chinese artist Huang Rui, who was among the first to initiate the 798 Arts District in Beijing, as follows:Artists seem to like to stick together—their existence can be lonely and alone, but they're nonetheless powerful as a collective.…”
Section: Situating Arts Districts In the Urban Land And Art Marketsmentioning
This article examines the dual role of arts districts as places situated simultaneously in the urban land and art markets. It highlights the need for research into arts districts to take this dual role into account, as well as the impact that the two markets can have on these places. While the impact of the art market on land values in arts districts has been studied in some cases of art‐led gentrification, there has been limited consideration of how the changing organization and structure of the art world and art market have affected these places, especially during the last decade. Through a case study of 798 Arts District in Beijing, China, this article demonstrates that both land value and the art market situation need to be taken into account when explaining changes to and/or the spatial stickiness of an art scene, and that an artist community's investment in the value of an arts district as a generator of symbolic capital in the art market could be one driver of land value. The article concludes by advocating for greater attention to the dual market role of arts districts, as well as a stronger engagement with the knowledge produced by art scholars in geographical and urban studies of arts districts.
“…In the 19 th Century, the desire to express this 'divine spark' though creativity and originality is often seen to have created tensions between the Romantic or the Bohemian and their Bourgeois counterpart, with the latter favouring reason and utility, and the former emotion and sensuality (Grana, 1964). In reality however, although often in conflict (Frank, 2001;De Botton, 2004;Goffman and Joy, 2004;Siegel, 1986;Wilson, 2000), the bourgeois and the bohemian can be seen to have been closely related, fighting over the modern 'territory' of what the purpose and limits to modern individuals' lives should be (Siegel, 1986;Young, 2002;Forkert, 2013). In relation to the idea of leisure, we can see that the 'bohemias' and 'territories' of 'creatives', that embody 'subterranean values' (Young, 1971) of hedonism, have often been enjoyed by people from 'broader society' in their spare time.…”
Section: The Ethic Of the Creative Self And Leisurementioning
confidence: 99%
“…In fact we can see that post-war consumer capitalism has ensured the 'transmission' of the 'artistic ethic' (Campbell 1987;Heath and Potter 2005). Explanations of this process can be found in the argument that, since the 1960s, the value systems of artists have been transferred from smaller cohorts of critical-expressive artists active in music, poetry, literature and film to broader sections of the 'new middle class' associated with other forms of cultural consumption including the built environment and hence gentrification processes (Kaufmann, 2004;Caulfield, 1989;Ley, 1996Ley, , 2003Zukin, 1989;Forkert, 2013). These transmissions, through modes of popular cultural consumption were often tied to critiques of 'regulated Fordist life' that was seen to mitigate against individuality and to prize utilitarian gains over emotive (or spiritual) engagements with the world.…”
The links between creativity, self-expression and leisure practices are underexplored within leisure literature. Despite research that documents the centrality of leisure as a worked-at process of self actualisation and self identity (Stebbins, 2004, for example), the practice of leisure is still predominately viewed as one of consumption rather than production and of passivity rather than creativity. This paper, supported by empirical evidence through qualitative research into the lives of users of the leisure spaces of the 'provincial bohemia' of the Ouseburn Valley, Newcastle upon Tyne, argues that there is a strong component of creativity in this group's leisure activity. This component, we argue, has, in recent years, become more important for 'aesthetic-reflexive' social actors in particular, as acts of selfauthored and individual-expressive creativity have become more central to economic production, and to social identity. The rise in creative leisure is strongly linked to the valorisation of the romantic-artistic ethic of inalienable creative self-expression and the rejection of mass and putatively passive forms of leisure consumption common within previous Fordist modes of economic production and social ordering.
“…More recently, a broader desire for these places has, ironically for some authors, given birth to a form of mass-produced bohemia (Forkert, 2013), where desirable 'lifestyle spaces' have been as much manufactured by the local state as they are 'organically' or spontaneously developed through concurrences of market forces and cultural desires for inner urban life. The problematic 'mass-production of bohemia' and the 'management' of such spaces have been actively encouraged, which charges the local state with the creation of cultural and social ambiences to attract creative human capital (Florida, 2002).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Indeed, Smith (2002) pointed out that much gentrification literature does not, in fact, give voice to participants in the process but is, rather, focused upon ‘higher level’ discussions of transformation and displacement. However, Forkert (2013) has given voice to Berlin and New York artists in relation to the process of gentrification, and indeed Markusen (2006) does discuss artists within creative class contexts, but more evidence of these important actors’ views on these processes is warranted, as Markusen relies upon aggregate secondary data for her discussions. Further to this Markusen (2006) suggests that modern artists, as they often have critical positions, need to be treated more specifically in creative class research rather than simply being amalgamated with Florida’s (2002) much broader cohort of creative workers.…”
Research has pointed to the importance of artists in the early stages of gentrification; however, few studies have examined specifically the meaning of gentrification and place-change from the perspective of artists themselves, and few studies have investigated the role of ‘creative city’ policies as unintended drivers of gentrification processes. This study generates insights into artists’ own views of gentrification processes within the gentrifying bohemia of the Ouseburn Valley in Newcastle upon Tyne in the North East of England. We stress that gentrification in this area cannot solely be understood as a process of displacement, but is also clearly linked to the growth of modes of regulation and commercialisation within social space. Increasing regulation, brought about by greater local state focus on ‘creative districts’, has impacted the Valley. Alongside this, projects of property development as well as a general growth in the popularity of the Valley as a nightlife consumption district and area of production for commercially-orientated creative class workers have challenged artists’ values of the area as a ‘secret garden’ where romantically inflected values of self-expression, autonomy, spontaneity and non-instrumental artist cooperation can be found.
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