The Parameter of Aspect

Smith, Carlota S.

doi:10.1007/978-94-011-5606-6

Cited by 722 publications

(531 citation statements)

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“…4 In view of the fact that the English progressive, the imparfait and the etre en train de construction exhibit the same sensitivity (Ma rie est en train de ?? courir pendant de ux heures), I conclude that they share the common semantic mechanism of progressivity, as proposed by Smith (1991). On the basis of the present discussion, I propose to redefine progressivity as in (18). (18) Progressivity A sentence S has a progressive value only ifit refers to a subeventuality e such that, under some perspective 1t,…”

Section: (14)supporting

confidence: 54%

“…I will fo cus on two well-known theories, those of Guillaume (1929) and Smith (1991). For Guillaume, the imparfait represents an eventuality as divided into an ac complished or effective part and a non-accomplished part.…”

Section: The Imperfective Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Ac tually, the passe simple simply does not make use of the non-accomplished dimen sion and the distinction between accomplished and non-accomplished pertains only to the imparfait. Smith (1991) compares aspectual viewpoints to the lens of a camera, which can fo cus on diffe rent parts of a scene. They select what is visible in a situation, or equivalently, what is asserted in the description of the situation.…”

Section: The Imperfective Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

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Imperfectivity and Progressivity: The French Imparfait

Jayez

1999

SALT

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Section: (14)supporting

confidence: 54%

Section: The Imperfective Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Imperfective Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

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Imperfectivity and Progressivity: The French Imparfait

Jayez

1999

SALT

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“…Classically, the perfective forms are said to view the event from the 'outside' as a 'completed whole,' while imperfective forms reflect a more 'internal' perspective on the event (Isačenko 1960, Comrie 1976, or as emphasising the endpoint of an event (perfective) versus its visible or 'ongoing' portion (Smith 1991). It is rather more difficult to parley this kind of intuition into a more formal compositional treatment.…”

Section: ]) ([[Asp]] = λP λT∃e:[p(e) and T ∈ τ (E) ])mentioning

confidence: 99%

Time and the event: The semantics of Russian prefixes

Ramchand¹

2005

NLY

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In this paper, I draw on data from prefixation in Russian to argue for a basic distinction between event structure and temporal structure. I present a linguistic semantics of verb and argument structure interpretation on the one hand, and a formal semantic implementation of 'telicity' on the other, which makes sense of the generalisations apparently common to both domains. I will claim that the temporal domain embeds the event structure domain, and that the latter constrains the former. At the same time, the different formal primitives that operate at the levels proposed form the basis for a principled linguistic distinction between the two tiers of composition: the event structure level encodes subevental relations and predicational relations within those subevents; the temporal structure level introduces a t variable explicitly and relates it to the structure built up by the event level. Whether the event structure is homogenous or not will have an impact on whether the temporal variable chosen will be 'definite' or 'indefinite.' This latter claim then forms the basis for a new conception of the difference between perfective and imperfective verb forms in Russian.

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“…for and since. 4 For simplicity, through the text we will occasionally refer to the interval introduced by the preposition hasta / until in its external argument.This abbreviation is similar to Smith's (1991) term interval preposition, which she applies to Eng. in (in two hours).…”

Section: Our Basic Claimsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Temporal prepositions and intervals in Spanish. Variation in the grammar of "hasta" and "desde"

Bosque

Bravo

2015

isogloss

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In some varieties of American Spanish, the temporal preposition hasta 'until' is able to modify telic predicates in the absence of negation. Previous analyses argue for either a hidden negation or a special punctual reading of this preposition. We show that these analyses make a number of wrong predictions, and must be abandoned. Our account hinges on the idea that hasta licenses a temporal phase previous to the telic predicate, somehow similar to the one that in PP adjuncts (in one hour) create in English and many other languages in similar structures. We also show that desde ('since') is able to behave in a parallel way in some varieties of American Spanish, thus licensing intervals subsequent to temporal points. Several arguments are presented favouring compositional analyses of these (and some other) temporal prepositions subject to Aktionsart restrictions, as opposed to approaches which introduce lexical multiplication of senses.

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The Parameter of Aspect

Cited by 722 publications

References 0 publications

Imperfectivity and Progressivity: The French Imparfait

Imperfectivity and Progressivity: The French Imparfait

Time and the event: The semantics of Russian prefixes

Temporal prepositions and intervals in Spanish. Variation in the grammar of "hasta" and "desde"

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