The Paradox of Political Representation

Runciman, David

doi:10.1111/j.1467-9760.2007.00266.x

Cited by 81 publications

(46 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…14 Pitkin's non-objection principle an important root of this point (see Runciman 2007), though acceptance is in principle more detectable and explicit than non-objection, and rejection likewise compared to objection. A range of norms may be used by members of an appropriate constituency.…”

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confidence: 99%

Shape-Shifting Representation

Saward

2014

Am Polit Sci Rev

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Shape-shifting representation is common in practice but largely shunned in theoretical and empirical analysis. This article resurrects, defines, and explores shape-shifting and closely linked concepts and practices such as shape-retaining. It generates new concepts of representative positioning and patterning in order to aid our understanding, and makes the case for placing this critical phenomenon front and center in the analysis of political representation. It examines crucial empirical and normative implications for our understanding of representation, including the argument that shape-shifting representation is not intrinsically undesirable. Developing the theory of shape-shifting representation can prompt a new level of analytical purchase on the challenge of explaining and evaluating representation's vitality and complexity.

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confidence: 99%

Shape-Shifting Representation

Saward

2014

Am Polit Sci Rev

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“…23 23 Such defences of consequential responsibility in democracies can be found in Dworkin (1990); Kelly (2003); Miller (2007). David Runciman reaches similar conclusions from a corporatist view of the state (Runciman, 2007). …”

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confidence: 83%

Sanctioning Liberal Democracies

Pasternak

2009

Political Studies

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This article examines when economic sanctions should be imposed on liberal democracies that violate democratic norms. The argument is made from the social-liberal standpoint, which recognises the moral status of political communities. While social liberals rarely refer to the use of economic sanctions as a pressure tool, by examining why they restrict military intervention and economic aid to cases of massive human rights violations or acute humanitarian need, the article is able to show why they are likely to impose strong restrictions on the use of economic sanctions as well. After reconstructing the social-liberal case against economic sanctions, the article develops the argument that liberal democracies have reasons to support sanctions on other liberal democracies, even when they perpetrate injustices on a smaller scale. Liberal democracies share especially strong ideological, cultural and institutional bonds, and these peer group relations open them to mutual influence.When one liberal democracy commits serious injustices while still proclaiming allegiance to the democratic ethos, it can adversely affect the vitality of the democratic culture in those other liberal democracies with which it maintains close relations. Other liberal democracies therefore have the right and the obligation to condemn this behaviour, in order to preserve their allegiance to their values. The article defends the use of economic sanctions in light of some recent critiques, and concludes by providing an overall assessment of the factors which liberal democracies ought to take into account when they consider imposing economic sanctions on other liberal democracies.P O L I T I C A L S T U D I E S : 2 0 0 9 VO L 5 7 ,[5][6][7]

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“…4 Se trata de un trabajo notable y referencia obligatoria del debate crítico contemporáneo en el campo de las teorías de la representación. Debido a que su propuesta es identificada como una comprensión de la representación no apenas relacional, sino distintivamente dual (Runciman, 2007), la obra de Pitkin es particularmente elocuente en cuanto a la doble pérdida normativa. La evolución del pensamiento de la filósofa sobre la representación democrática, en las décadas que siguieron a la publicación del libro en cuestión, es igualmente elocuente, pues ésta acaba progresivamente diagnosticando la incompatibilidad entre ambos términos -representación y democracia-, transformándolos en antónimos (Pitkin 1989(Pitkin [20062004).…”

Section: There Is No Need To Make Mysteries Here…unclassified

Más allá de la paradoja en Pitkin Por una concepción dual de la representación

Lavalle¹

2017

UACM

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Las teorías contemporáneas de la representación política son unánimes en señalar el carácter relacional de la representación. Sin embargo, compresiones relacionales no asumen necesariamente el carácter constitutivamente dual la representación. Se argumenta en este artículo que concepciones relacionales que no asumen tal dualidad presentan déficits normativos para evaluar la representación, y cuando la evalúan incurren en inconsistencias analíticas. Para sustentar el argumento se adopta una estrategia analítica exigente: examinar las transformaciones de la famosa paradoja de Pitkin, mostrando la presencia de tales déficits e inconsistencias en su obra clásica, El concepto de representación, considerada por muchos autores como pionera en la definición, precisamente, del carácter dual de la representación. Sostengo que una comprensión dual de la representación democrática implica asumir que la representación está constituida por una tensión entre dos componentes o polos irreductibles y dotados de agencia —representado/representante—, lo que la vuelve constitutivamente ambivalente y agónica.

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The Paradox of Political Representation

Cited by 81 publications

References 6 publications

Shape-Shifting Representation

Shape-Shifting Representation

Sanctioning Liberal Democracies

Más allá de la paradoja en Pitkin Por una concepción dual de la representación

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