The palaeography of the Parker manuscript of the<i>Chronicle</i>, laws and Sedulius, and historiography at Winchester in the late ninth and tenth centuries

Parkes, M. B.

doi:10.1017/s0263675100000831

Cited by 97 publications

(8 citation statements)

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“…140 A manuscript produced by a scriptrix in the twelfth century also is localisable to the Nunnaminster, not least by the material connected with Eadburh which is contained within it. 140 A manuscript produced by a scriptrix in the twelfth century also is localisable to the Nunnaminster, not least by the material connected with Eadburh which is contained within it.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Squabbling Siblings: Gender and Monastic Life in Late Anglo‐Saxon Winchester

Forbes

2012

Gender and the City Before Modernity

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Squabbling Siblings: Gender and Monastic Life in Late Anglo‐Saxon Winchester

Forbes

2012

Gender and the City Before Modernity

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“…The women at the Nunnaminster in the tenth and eleventh centuries evidently could and did write, as the small number of manuscripts attributable to that house indicates. 140 A manuscript produced by a scriptrix in the twelfth century also is localisable to the Nunnaminster, not least by the material connected with Eadburh which is contained within it. 141 A Christmas sermon in this book, which addresses monachi as well as (female) virgins and clerici, alludes to the possibility that monks had joined the female community for the Christmas celebration.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Squabbling Siblings: Gender and Monastic Life in Late Anglo‐Saxon Winchester

Forbes

2011

Gender & History

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In the Benedictional of AEthelwold, one of the most lavish surviving books from later Anglo-Saxon England, the blessing for the dedication of a church is illustrated with a miniature of a bishop performing the blessing while a congregation watches (and presumably listens) ( Figure 1). 1 This illustration is only partly coloured, so that although the bishop (and his robes and book) have been painted, the rest of the picture remains a line-drawing. The congregation is divided into two levels, perhaps reflecting the main part of the church and an upper gallery. The dress of those in the lower level indicates that they are religious men, and some of them are tonsured; only the heads and necks of those in the upper level are visible, and here the men wear lay clothing.The upper group also includes one woman, almost invisible because of the lack of colour in this part of the image, and easily missed if the illustration is not examined carefully. In contrast to the clear division between lay and religious men in the image, and as with many other depictions of women in this period, it is very difficult to identify from her dress or appearance whether she herself is a consecrated woman, or part of the laity. 2 Her headdress is like that found on many representations of both lay and religious women in later Anglo-Saxon England, and in dress and demeanour she is very like the image of St AEthelthryth found earlier in the Benedictional. 3 The uncertainties, ambiguities and almost invisibility of the woman in this illustration are symptomatic of knowledge of women in the Anglo-Saxon period more generally: the scant information for female communities is a running theme in the history of monasticism. 4 It is also particularly interesting and striking in the context of this illustration. Although there were three monastic houses in Winchester, two male communities and one female, only scraps of information remain for Winchester's religious women, while there is a considerable quantity about their male counterparts. What is clear from the surviving sources is that in the tenth and eleventh centuries these communities engaged with each other and with the surrounding urban space, sometimes collaboratively and sometimes competitively, but in significant ways which had important implications for the identities of the communities and of Winchester as a city.In the later Anglo-Saxon period, the saints whose relics lay in Winchester were sought for help and cures by citizens and by pilgrims from further afield, and their relics were carefully guarded and controlled by the male and female communities whose houses occupied the south-eastern corner of the city. This article will explore

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“…121 It is not within my competence to analyse his detailed (and often polemical) palaeographical arguments against Malcolm Parkes. 122 Dumville, however, adduces no palaeographical arguments against Winchester nor for any other centre. The close relationship between the calendars in the Galba and Junius Psalters (Oxford, Bodleian Library, Junius 27, of c. 925) leads him to suggest a possible Canterbury 'sojourn' for the former; but as he himself acknowledges, there is no evidence that the Junius calendar was copied directly from the Galba one.…”

Section: Robert Deshmanmentioning

confidence: 95%

The Galba Psalter: pictures, texts and context in an early medieval prayerbook

Deshman¹

1997

Anglo-Saxon England

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The ‘Galba Psalter’ (London, British Library, Cotton Galba A. xviii) is a pocket-sized (128 × 88 mm.), early-ninth-century Carolingian book, perhaps made in the region of Liège, that was originally decorated with only ornamental initials. By the early tenth century the manuscript had reached England, where an Anglo-Saxon scriptorium added two prefatory quires (1r–19v) containing a metrical calendar illuminated with zodiac signs, KL monograms and single figures (pls. IX–X), and five full-page pictures. Two miniatures of Christ and the saints on 2v and 21r (pls. X–XI) preface the calendar and a series of prayers respectively, and three New Testament pictures marked the customary threefold division of the Psalms. Facing Ps. I was a miniature of the Nativity (pl. XII), now detached from the manuscript and inserted into an unrelated book (Oxford, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson B. 484, 85r). The Ascension on 120v (pl. XIII) prefaces Ps. CI. A third picture before Ps. LI has been lost, but almost certainly it represented the Crucifixion. The placement of an image of this theme between the Nativity and the Ascension would have been appropriate from a narrative standpoint, and some later Anglo-Saxon and Irish psalters preface this psalm with a full-page picture of the Crucifixion. Obits for King Alfred (d. 899) and his consort Ealhswith (d. 902) provide a terminus post quem for the calendar and the coeval illumination. The Insular minuscule script of the calendar indicates a West Saxon origin during the first decade of the tenth century. On the grounds of the Psalter's style and later provenance, the additions were very likely made at Winchester.

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The palaeography of the Parker manuscript of theChronicle, laws and Sedulius, and historiography at Winchester in the late ninth and tenth centuries

Cited by 97 publications

References 8 publications

Squabbling Siblings: Gender and Monastic Life in Late Anglo‐Saxon Winchester

Squabbling Siblings: Gender and Monastic Life in Late Anglo‐Saxon Winchester

Squabbling Siblings: Gender and Monastic Life in Late Anglo‐Saxon Winchester

The Galba Psalter: pictures, texts and context in an early medieval prayerbook

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