The Oxford Handbook of Populism

Abstract

Populist forces are increasingly relevant, and studies on populism have entered the mainstream of the political science discipline. However, no book has synthesized the ongoing debate on how to study the phenomenon. The main goal of this Handbook is to provide the state of the art of the scholarship on populism. The Handbook lays out not only the cumulated knowledge on populism, but also the ongoing discussions and research gaps on this topic. The Handbook is divided into four sections. The first presents the main conceptual approaches and points out how the phenomenon in question can be empirically analyzed. The second focuses on populist forces across the world with chapters on Africa, Australia and New Zealand, Central, Eastern, and Western Europe, East Asia, India, Latin America, the post-Soviet States, and the United States. The third reflects on the interaction between populism and various issues both from scholarly and political viewpoints. Analysis includes the relationship between populism and fascism, foreign policy, gender, nationalism, political parties, religion, social movements, and technocracy. The fourth part encompasses recent normative debates on populism, including chapters on populism and cosmopolitanism, constitutionalism, hegemony, the history of popular sovereignty, the idea of the people, and revolution. With each chapter written by an expert in their field, this Handbook will position the study of populism within political science and will be indispensable not only to those who turn to populism for the first time, but also to those who want to take their understanding of populism in new directions.

The institutionalisation of populist political discourse and conservative uncivil society in the European Union: From the margins to the mainstream?

“…I argued that their framing contrast encapsulated the current state of civil society at the EU level and is best interpreted as a struggle between a movement of populism and its opponents. Several authors have characterised contemporary right-wing populism as a movement and anti-populism as a counter-movement, and they have described the confrontational nature of their exchanges (Aslanidis, 2017). This confrontation goes well beyond electoral politics and spills out in a set of social domains, including organised civil society.…”

Populist Nationalism Threatens Health and Human Rights in the COVID-19 Response

“…6 Casting human rights defenders and public health professionals as part of the global elite, populist politicians on the left and right have attacked these experts to build support for nationalist policies. 7 Although not inherently authoritarian, populism and nationalism both have antidemocratic tendencies, 6 which authoritarianleaning leaders in democratic states, such as US president Donald Trump and Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro, have weaponized to wrest power from institutions that might limit their authority and uphold the rule of law. 8 Populist nationalist attacks on health and human rights were increasing before the outbreak of COVID-19.…”

Ernesto Laclau populizmo teorija ir jos operacionalizacija: politinės partijos „Drąsos kelias“ atvejis

“…Instrumentinis požiūris į populizmą būdingas dviem mokslinių tyrimų grupėms, dažnai papildančioms viena kitą. Pirmoji tyrėjų grupė populizmą apibūdina kaip mobilizacijos strategiją (Weyland 2001;2017;Urbinati 2013), antroji nagrinėja populistinę retoriką (Moffitt and Tormey 2013;Jagers and Walgrave 2007). Nepaisant skirtumų, abiem atvejais populizmas suprantamas kaip įrankis, kuriuo siekiama mobilizuoti rinkėjus ar į juos apeliuoti.…”

“…Paradoksalu, kad pagrindinė strateginio požiūrio problema yra tai, kas pateikiama kaip jo pagrindinis pranašumas. Ši teorinė perspektyva "išvengia heterogeniškumo ir nesugretinamumo, būdingo ideologiniams ir diskursiniams požiūriams, apimantiems tiek Pietų Amerikos masinio populizmo atvejus, tiek Europos dešinįjį ekstremizmą" (Weyland 2017). Taigi į strateginio populizmo apibrėžimą nepatenka ne tik gana griežtai organizuotos Belgijos "Vlaams Belang" (liet.…”

“…Pavyzdžiui, Kennethas Robertsas siūlo keturių skirtingų populistinės organizacijos formų klasifikaciją, kuri grindžiama pilietinės visuomenės ir partinės sistemos išsivystymo skirtumais įvairiose šalyse (Roberts 2006). Taip pat bandoma, taikant Charlesio Ragino kokybinės palyginamosios analizės metodus, atskiriems politikams priskirti tam tikrus populistinius koeficientus, pavyzdžiui, Silvio Berlusconi atitiktis populistiniam idealui būtų įvertinta 1, Jeano-Marie Le Peno -0, o jo dukters Marine'os Le Pen -0,66 (Weyland 2017).…”