The organisation and structure of rhotics in American English rhymes

Walker, Rachel; Proctor, Michael

doi:10.1017/s0952675719000228

Cited by 6 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 76 publications

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“…Our analysis further supports a grammatical approach to the phonetics-phonology interface that does not require any transduction of distinctive features into articulatory gestures (Bradley, 2020;Smith, 2018;Walker & Proctor, 2019). Rather, the intergestural coupling graph of an utterance is phonologically optimized by OT constraint interaction and then phonetically implemented, where gestural overlap and reduction and universal aerodynamic principles further shape the speech output.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 57%

“…A standard assumption in the coupled oscillator model of the syllable is that intergestural coupling graphs are stored in the lexicon. Smith (2018) and Walker and Proctor (2019) propose instead that gestural coupling is phonologically regulated by a constraint-based OT grammar. A single hierarchy of ranked constraints chooses the optimal coupling graph of an input utterance, which can then be phonetically implemented in TaDA as a gestural score.…”

Section: A Formal Account Of Aspiration and Voicing In Csmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Incomplete Resyllabification and Ambisyllabic Gestural Coupling in Spanish

Bradley¹,

Morris²,

Jones³

2023

loquens

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In the generative literature, the pattern of coronal fricative lenition found in the traditional Chinato Spanish dialect is commonly cited as a phonological argument that the resyllabification of word-final prevocalic consonants is complete, in the sense that onsets derived by resyllabification are structurally identical to canonical (word-level) onsets. However, recent acoustic studies of Northern-Central Peninsular Spanish have problematized the completeness of resyllabification with experimental evidence that /s̺/ is shorter and more voiced as a derived onset than as a canonical onset. Using a split-gesture, competitive, coupled oscillator model of the syllable in Articulatory Phonology, which divides consonants into a separate constriction and release gesture, we propose a novel representation of ambisyllabicity that predicts the phonetic behavior of derived onset /s̺/ in Northern-Central Peninsular Spanish. We then show that ambisyllabic coupling permits a simpler phonological analysis of coronal fricative lenition in Chinato Spanish as compared to alternative accounts. Our analysis makes typological predictions that are confirmed by patterns from other contemporary Spanish varieties. Lastly, we examine the consequences of ambisyllabicity for the analysis of Spanish rhotic consonants, which have also been argued to support complete resyllabification. We offer an analysis of rhotics that is entirely compatible with an ambisyllabic representation of incomplete resyllabification.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 57%

Section: A Formal Account Of Aspiration and Voicing In Csmentioning

confidence: 99%

Incomplete Resyllabification and Ambisyllabic Gestural Coupling in Spanish

Bradley¹,

Morris²,

Jones³

2023

loquens

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“…For the <ur> and <or> vowels, on the other hand, there is much greater overlap between the two modes across the early and late periods of the vowel. Both /u/ and / o/ are rounded vowels and the rhotic consonant in NAE has been classified as labial under certain phonological analyses (Walker & Proctor, 2019). For both rounded and rhotacized vowels, F3 is lower than for unrounded and plain vowels.…”

Section: Discussion Of Vowel Overlap Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Spanish speakers’ English schwar production: Does orthography play a role?

Shea

2021

Applied Psycholinguistics

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This study examines how input mode – whether written or auditory – interacts with orthography in the production of North American English (NAE) schwar (/ɝ/, found in fur, heard, bird) by native Spanish speakers. Greater orthographic interference was predicted for written input, given the obligatory activation of orthographic representations in the execution of the task. Participants were L1 Mexican Spanish/L2 English speakers (L2, n = 15) and NAE (n = 15, rhotic dialect speakers). The target items were 10 schwar words and 10 words matched in graphemes to the onset and nucleus of the schwar words (e.g., bird was matched with big), for a total of 20 items. The degree of overlap between schwar productions across group and input mode (L2 only) was analyzed, followed by a generalized additive mixed model analysis of F3, one of the acoustic cues to rhotacization. Results showed that L2 schwar productions were different from the NAE productions in both the overlap and F3 measures, and the written input mode showed greater L1 orthographic interference than the auditory input mode, supporting the hypothesis that L1 orthography–phonology correspondences affect L2 productions of English schwar words.

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“…The common element these models share is the overlap of the gestures involved in the production of the vowel and the coda liquid. More specifically, for Tilsen and Cohn (2016), this concerns the articulatory regimes involved in the overlap of these gestures, while for Walker and Proctor (2019), it concerns the degree of gestural overlap -coarticulation degree. Both models relate gestural overlap to syllabic weight (moraic representation), which in turn provides a basis for the representation of sesquisyllables in American English.…”

Section: Articulatory Account Of American English Liquid Rimesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Linking gestural representations to syllable count judgments: A cross-language test

Popescu

Chițoran

2022

Laboratory Phonology

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A special class of English words with tense vowel/diphthong nuclei and liquid codas receive variable syllable count judgments (one or over-one syllables). Tilsen and Cohn (2016) showed that differences in judgments correlate with differences in production, supporting their hypothesis that metaphonological judgments and speech motor control share a common representation. In the present study, we further propose that syllable count judgments are related to subsegmental representations in the rime, and are independent of acoustic duration. We test the hypothesis by comparing English and German, chosen for their similar word structure and vowel length contrast, and their crucial difference in the gestural specification of coda liquids. In English, coda liquids have an earlier vocalic gesture relative to the consonantal one, while in German, both gestures are simultaneous. We stipulated that sesquisyllabic (over-one) judgments are related to the count of sequentially-timed vocalic gestures in the rime. The difference in the coda liquid composition between the two languages predicts that sesquisyllables should not emerge in German. Our predictions were confirmed by the results of parallel production (acoustic) and syllable count judgment experiments in English and German. We propose a model accounting for these results and we discuss its typological implications and its limitations.

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The organisation and structure of rhotics in American English rhymes

Cited by 6 publications

References 76 publications

Incomplete Resyllabification and Ambisyllabic Gestural Coupling in Spanish

Incomplete Resyllabification and Ambisyllabic Gestural Coupling in Spanish

Spanish speakers’ English schwar production: Does orthography play a role?

Linking gestural representations to syllable count judgments: A cross-language test

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