The North American Indian

Curtis, Edward S.; Hodge, Frederick Webb

doi:10.2307/198980

Cited by 20 publications

(32 citation statements)

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“…Such reconstructions are important due to differences of opinion among researchers regarding the processes behind the formation of ancestral Tewa society. The issues surrounding this debate are complex, but the basic issue is that Tewa oral tradition consistently refers to the central Mesa Verde region of southwestern Colorado as a place where Tewa ancestors once lived, and the population of the Tewa Basin grew substantially as the southwestern Colorado population declined, but Mesa Verde material culture does not reappear in Tewa Basin sites, or anywhere else for that matter (Boyer et al 2010;Cordell 1995;Curtis 1926;Kidder 1924;Kohler et al 2010;Lakatos 2007;Lipe 2010;Mera 1935;Naranjo 1995Naranjo , 2006Ortman 2012b;Wendorf 1953b;Wendorf and Reed 1955;Wilson 2013). This absence of clear material culture continuities has led to close examination of population trends in the Tewa Basin to determine whether the timing of growth is consistent with in-migration from the northwest and whether the rate of growth necessarily implies in-migration.…”

Section: From Site To Regional Population Historymentioning

confidence: 99%

Uniform Probability Density Analysis and Population History in the Northern Rio Grande

Ortman

2014

J Archaeol Method Theory

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One of the basic challenges facing archaeology is translating surface evidence into population estimates with sufficient chronological resolution for demographic analysis. The problem is especially acute when one is working with sites inhabited across multiple chronological periods and the production curves for pottery types are unknown. In this paper, I present a Bayesian statistical method which I call uniform probability density analysis that is tailored to this situation. This method combines uniform distributions derived from the local pottery chronology with pottery assemblage data to reconstruct the population history of individual settlements. I also illustrate applications of this method at the site and regional level using data from Cuyamungue and the surrounding Tewa Basin/VEP II New Mexico project area. The results allow one to identify a period of significant population movement corresponding to the period of Tewa ethnogenesis in the thirteenth century CE.The ability to estimate the number of people who lived in settlements and regions at various points in the past is critical for many areas of research in archaeology. This task can be relatively straightforward when one has extensive stratigraphic evidence and absolute dates from excavation or one is working with well-preserved architecture (

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Section: From Site To Regional Population Historymentioning

confidence: 99%

Uniform Probability Density Analysis and Population History in the Northern Rio Grande

Ortman

2014

J Archaeol Method Theory

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“…In any event, territorial transgressions and disputes between Native American groups over resources undoubtedly occurred, at least periodically, over the entire expanse of the Central Valley (e.g., Curtis, 1924b;Beals, 1933;Goldschmidt, 1951). Most of the major native groups in the Central Valley region, as elsewhere in California, were in fact characterized by "zealous protection" of tribal resources (Jorgensen, 1980:131;d., Fages, 1775, translation by Priestly, 1937Powers, 1877;Dixon, 1905;Kroeber, 1925Kroeber, , 1963Bennyhoff, 1977).…”

Section: B Salmon As a Factor In Native Group Interactionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Salmon figured in the myths of the Maidu, Nisenan, and Yokuts (e.g., Curtis, 1924b;Kroeber, 1929), and there is reference in Miwok folklore to a salmon shaman (Freeland and Broadbent, 1960:63).…”

Section: Salmon As a Cultural Elementmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Those putative reasons reflect the native world views wherein men and animals were essentially peers (Heizer, 1978b;Heizer and Elsasser, 1980), as exemplified by the Yokuts and Western Mono perspectives: "The animals were here first; today all dwell together, and while men may exploit these creatures for food and power they may not do so without due regard for their reactive and capricious qualities" (Gayton, 1946:262). Thus, it is likely that a substantive spiritual meaning was imbued in some of those salmon rites -as in the more elaborate salmon ceremonies held in the Klamath River basin in northwestern California (Roberts, 1932;Kroeber and Gifford, 1949) and over the greater Pacific Northwest region (e.g., Curtis, 1924a;Gunther, 1928;Drucker, 1955;Suttles, 1990a;Cone, 1995) -but the rapid dissipation of most Californian native peoples and their cultures left but few clues about the full purpose and diversity of such rites within the Central Valley region. Of relevance is an early settler's account of the building of a salmon weir (dam), attended by obvious ritualization, "in the fall of 1850" on the Sacramento River at Colusa, in Patwin territory:…”

Section: Salmon As a Cultural Elementmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In general reference to the natives of the Sacramento and San Joaquin valleys, some early historical works state, "Every spring, when the salmon were running up the river, enough were caught and dried to last nearly all the year" (Green, 1880:29;Elliott, 1882:162). However, despite the seeming preponderance of the spring-run harvest, the fall run unquestionably also was taken in large numbers and comprised an important part of the winter food stores for at least some of the native groups (e.g., Stone, 1874a;Curtis, 1924b;Filomena, 1930;Gudde, 1933;Sapir and Spier, 1943;Lapena, 1978).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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A History of Salmon and People in the Central Valley Region of California

Yoshiyama

1999

Reviews in Fisheries Science

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Chinook salmon (Oncorhynchus tshawytscha) formerly occurred in great abundance within the California Central Valley drainage and were a correspondingly important part of the subsistence economics and cultures of the indigenous peoples of that region. Salmon and other fishery resources on the Central Valley floor were part of a resource base that enabled resident Native American groups to attain some of the highest population densities to occur among the non-agricultural native societies of North America. Indirect estimates of aboriginal harvest~prior to Euro-American settlement of the region indicate that the native fishers may have exploited the Central Valley salmon resource on a level comparable to that later attained by the immigrant Euro-American fishers of the late ninteenth century commercial fishery. The salmon resource also figured, to varying degrees, in native group interactions-from trade item to causa belli. Among the last intact native groups in California reliant on a salmon-based subsistence economy were the McCloud River Wintua people who were instrumental in the successful operation of the U.S. Fish Commission eggcollecting station on the lower McCloud River that supplied salmon eggs for shipments to U.S. Eastern states and overseas countries.Prior to 1850, mention of salmon was made perodically by Spanish chroniclers and by European and (U.S.) American observers who traveled through the region. Sustained harvests of salmon by Euro-Americans did not begin until the California Gold Rush period, starting in 1848. The commercial salmon fishery of the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers and Delta region was one of the earliest major industries of California during the period of (U.S.) American settlement. The fishery frequently attained harvest levels of 4 to 10 million pounds (1.8 to 4.5 million kg) per year during the highly productive early decades of operation (1870s to 1900s), and it contributed substantially to the regional economy. Despite the general decline of Pacific salmon resources in California and the Pacific Northwest region since the early period of commercial exploitation, chinook salmon have continued to contribute significantly to the state and local economies in recent decades. Aside from its importance as a food commodity, other aspects of the value of the salmon resource (viZ., biological, recreational, and aesthetic benefits) are being increasingly recognized. The chinook salmon resource of the California Central Valley -having provided material and amenity benefits to both native and immigrant peoples for so long in the past -may yet continue to fulfill the needs of humans in the' future if we of the present make it so.

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The RitualThiyóšpayeand the Social Organization of Contemporary Lakota Ceremonial Life

Posthumus

2019

Journal for the Anthropology of North America

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This paper examines continuity and change in Lakota belief and ritual, focusing on the social organization of contemporary Lakota ceremonial life. For many Lakotas of Pine Ridge Reservation ritual structures life. The contemporary religious landscape consists of a number of ritual groups, which I call ritual thiyóšpayes, after the Lakota word for band or lodge group, the extended family and historical basic unit of kinship. At the center of these groups is a religious practitioner, a symbol of group identity and solidarity. Ritual thiyóšpayes consist of core and sub-core member families that regularly attend rituals and other corporately sponsored social events. The cohesion of a ritual thiyóšpaye is based largely on equality, mutual help, participation, and one-mindedness. The relationship between a practitioner and his ritual thiyóšpaye is dynamic, characterized by reciprocity, mutual influence, and exchange: the practitioner shapes the beliefs, worldview, and identity of his followers, symbolizing the group to both members and nonmembers, while simultaneously being shaped by his followers as a representative of their social, psychological, and religious needs, beliefs, and values. Although patterns of social interaction have changed since the dawn of the reservation period, there remains a distinct and undeniable continuity with past traditions.Ontological approaches in anthropology have been hotly debated in recent years (Posthumus 2017). Some unifying themes in this diverse body of research involve the exploration of the composition and character of alter worlds and the assumption that different peoples inhabit different, oftentimes conflicting realities (see Descola 2013; Henare, Holbraad, and Wastell 2007; Posthumus 2018; Viveiros de Castro 1998). While there are many trends and foci in anthropology's ontological turn, not all suffer from the methodological problems noted in a number of critical assessments. According to Michael L.Cepek, some recent anthropological investigations of ontology "focus on the bare content of abstract propositions while paying little attention to their pragmatic function, epistemological stance, affective tone, and position in a division of linguistic and conceptual labor" (Cepek 2016, 624). While this may be true of some inflections of ontologically minded anthropology, other studies pay careful attention to history and context, producing accurate ethnographies that are also theoretically engaging. For instance, neither Cepek (2016) nor Graeber (2015) mention the work of Philippe Descola (2013) in their critiques of ontological anthropology. I questioned Graeber about this omission via email, and his response was that he does not think Descola is really entirely an ontologically inclined anthropologist, per se, but rather he is a structuralist describing models that are never purely instantiated as such.In this article, I explore the role of ceremony in the social organization of contemporary Lakota (Western [Teton] Sioux) culture. Although I firmly believe in the importance o...

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The North American Indian

Cited by 20 publications

References 0 publications

Uniform Probability Density Analysis and Population History in the Northern Rio Grande

Uniform Probability Density Analysis and Population History in the Northern Rio Grande

A History of Salmon and People in the Central Valley Region of California

The RitualThiyóšpayeand the Social Organization of Contemporary Lakota Ceremonial Life

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