Trends in Climate Change Legislation 2017
DOI: 10.4337/9781786435781.00014
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The normative foundations of climate legislation

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Cited by 13 publications
(13 citation statements)
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“…For example, domestic civil society mobilization is likely to be less effective in countries where the political space for such mobilization is narrow (Falkner 2016(Falkner , 1123Flockhart 2006, 105-8). Third, more research is needed on the complementarities and/or tensions between AFFNs (the Bnegative^goals) and other desirable climate-related norms, frames and initiatives, such as 100% renewable energy / green transformation (the Bpositive^goals) and Bjust transition^(the hinge between the negative and positive goals) (Green 2017; see Online Resource 1, sec. 3).…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…For example, domestic civil society mobilization is likely to be less effective in countries where the political space for such mobilization is narrow (Falkner 2016(Falkner , 1123Flockhart 2006, 105-8). Third, more research is needed on the complementarities and/or tensions between AFFNs (the Bnegative^goals) and other desirable climate-related norms, frames and initiatives, such as 100% renewable energy / green transformation (the Bpositive^goals) and Bjust transition^(the hinge between the negative and positive goals) (Green 2017; see Online Resource 1, sec. 3).…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In contrast, concepts such as greenhouse gases, B2°C average warming^, and B350 ppm^are abstract, technical constructions not readily grasped by laypersons (Gauri 2012, 11). Moreover, the prohibitionary AFFNs with which I am concerned are straightforward deontological imperatives, whereas grasping climate change goals typically requires cognitively demanding forms of ethical reasoning, such as utilitarian calculation or the resolution of multiple conflicts among rights and duties (Green 2017). These features make the empirical and moral messages associated with AFFNs more intuitively plausible (e.g., Bcoal kills: no new coalmines!^).…”
Section: Awareness-raising and Framingmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…(Green and Brandstedt 2020). For example, some theorists are leveraging the many interconnections between ecological themes and other issues that are of concern to already-active cultural and social movements-those grounded in class/labour, racial, indigenous, feminist, anti-colonial and other progressive projects-with a view to forging new ideological and political alignments capable of responding to interlinked challenges (Agyeman, Bullard, and Evans 2003;Bullard 1990;Green 2017;Hathaway 2020;Healy and Barry 2017;Prakash and Girgenti 2020;Schlosberg 2007;Walker 2011;Whyte 2017).…”
Section: Ecological Limits and The Good Lifementioning
confidence: 99%
“…17 There are also internationally-determined limits in the climate realm, as expressed, for example, in the Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and, more recently (but in a less precise way), in the Paris Agreement. 18 For further exploration of the normative foundations of climate legislation, see Green (2017). 19 The tradability or otherwise of quotas is an important design feature amendable to philosophical analysis, but is not germane to my arguments below.…”
Section: Endnotesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…7 According to the main divestment coalition, 350.org, the number and market value of institutions committing to or having divested from fossil fuels grew from about 42 institutions valued at $50 billion in early 2013 to about 990 institutions valued at $7.2 trillion by October 2018. This rapid growth lends credence to the rise of an anti-fossil fuel norm among mostly ethically concerned financial institutions and international banks in Western countries, especially turning away from coal projects (Green, 2017). Although promising, norm diffusion towards a broader range of financial institutions and countries, as well as effective influence over fossil fuel state companies, remain to be seen.…”
Section: Divestmentmentioning
confidence: 99%