The normalization of exclusion through a Revival of whiteness in Donald Trump’s 2016 election campaign discourse

Austermuehl, Frank

doi:10.1080/10350330.2020.1766205

Cited by 7 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 15 publications

(5 reference statements)

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“…Othering based on their identity is described as a problem for disabled people [191], and it is noted that it has an effect disabled faculty experience "that upheld ableist and disablist logics while othering professors' disability identities in the classroom" [200] (p. 118). Othering is also discussed in relation to equity [201], diversity [202][203][204], and inclusion [205] in the literature. There are signs that disabled people are seen differently in university EDI efforts than other groups, which can influence how and if at all EDI is discussed in relation to disabled people and what is said and not said but could have been said [206][207][208][209], and to "other" disabled people at the university.…”

Section: Othering Disabled People In Edimentioning

confidence: 99%

Equity/Equality, Diversity, and Inclusion (EDI) in Universities: The Case of Disabled People

Wolbring

Lillywhite

2021

Societies

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The origin of equity/equality, diversity, and inclusion (EDI) initiatives at universities are rooted in the 2005 Athena SWAN (Scientific Women’s Academic Network) charter from Advance HE in the UK, which has the purpose of initiating actions that generate gender equality in UK universities. Since then, Advance HE also set up a “race charter” to deal with equality issues that are experienced by ethnic staff and students within higher education. Today “equality, diversity and inclusion” and “equity, diversity and inclusion” (from now on both called EDI) are used as phrases by universities in many countries to highlight ongoing efforts to rectify the problems that are linked to EDI of students, non-academic staff, and academic staff, whereby the focus broadened from gender to include other underrepresented groups, including disabled students, disabled non-academic staff, and disabled academic staff. How EDI efforts are operationalized impacts the success and utility of EDI efforts for disabled students, non-academic staff, and academic staff, and impacts the social situation of disabled people in general. As such, we analysed in a first step using a scoping review approach, how disabled students, non-academic staff, and academic staff are engaged with in the EDI focused academic literature. Little engagement (16 sources, some only abstracts, some abstracts, and full text) with disabled students, non-academic staff, and academic staff was found. This bodes ill for the utility of existing EDI efforts for disabled students, non-academic staff, and academic staff, but also suggests an opening for many fields to critically analyse EDI efforts in relation to disabled students, non-academic staff, and academic staff, the intersectionality of disabled people with other EDI groups and the impact of the EDI efforts on the social situation of disabled people beyond educational settings. The problematic findings are discussed through the lens of ability studies and EDI premises, as evident in EDI policy documents, EDI academic, and non-academic literature covering non-disability groups, and policy documents, such as the 2017 “UNESCO Recommendation on Science and Scientific Researchers” and the 1999 “UNESCO World Conference on Sciences” recommendations that engage with the situation of researchers and research in universities.

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Section: Othering Disabled People In Edimentioning

confidence: 99%

Equity/Equality, Diversity, and Inclusion (EDI) in Universities: The Case of Disabled People

Wolbring

Lillywhite

2021

Societies

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“…Throughout U.S. history, settler sovereignty depended on the creation of intersections of oppression and domination, wherein whiteness, masculinity, and class determined one's relative belonging. King (2019) describes this as the process of humanizing oneself through the dehumanization of Others, which illustrates why whiteness was originally created-to unite Europeans against indigeneity and exogeneity (Austermuehl, 2020). Trump's, and therefore his supporters', ascendance in society depends on restrictive inclusion.…”

Section: Hypermasculinity Weakness "Stiffs and Stupid People"mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Former President Trump leaned on popular culture to obtain power through a media spectacle-ism that transmitted exclusionary language advancing his brand’s “us versus them” mentality (Austermuehl, 2020). Before his presidency, Trump depicted himself as the embodiment of opulence, success, and power through frequent media appearances (K.…”

Section: Contextualizing Popular Culture and Trumpmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Before his presidency, Trump depicted himself as the embodiment of opulence, success, and power through frequent media appearances (K. Hall et al, 2016), which were accompanied by Trump’s use of media platforms to propel his racist, misogynist, xenophobic, classist, and ableist beliefs (Austermuehl, 2020).…”

Section: Contextualizing Popular Culture and Trumpmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Former President Trump leaned on popular culture to obtain power through a media spectacle-ism that transmitted exclusionary language advancing his brand's "us versus them" mentality (Austermuehl, 2020). Before his presidency, Trump depicted himself as the embodiment of opulence, success, and power through frequent media appearances (K. Hall et al, 2016), which were accompanied by Trump's use of media platforms to propel his racist, misogynist, xenophobic, classist, and ableist beliefs (Austermuehl, 2020).…”

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confidence: 99%

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“If You Don’t Fight Like Hell, You’re Not Going to Have a Country”: An Intersectional Settler Colonial Analysis of Trump’s “Save America” Speech and Other Messages of (Non)belonging

Jordan

Dykes

2022

Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies

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Donald Trump turned the presidency into a live-action reality television series comprising a chaotic blend of televised and tweeted intrigue. The nation’s collective anxiety coalesced in a nationalistic, authoritarian denouement on January 6, 2021. During Trump’s speech at the Save American Rally, he returned to familiar themes, telling the story of a ravaged America and his role as its victimized hero. As Trump concluded his speech urging supporters to “fight like hell,” rioters assailed the U.S. capitol revealing the violence of colonial invasion. To understand and, thus, respond to the insurrection, we must first recognize the dominant structures that create the conditions of its perpetration and excusal. This intersectional analysis addresses the colonial impulse for violent exclusion through the interpretive framework of settler colonialism. Examining four interlocking themes, we incorporate historical and contemporary popular culture rhetorical devices to triangulate our findings. We illustrate how social identity and settler colonialism occur in popular culture at the intersections of American, Christian nationalism, racialization, hetero-genderism, and ableism. Overall, our analysis explores how Trump prepared his base through years of cultural manipulation, promoting a populist, White vision of the world with Trump symbolic of its savior. To subvert these exploitations, we must participate in their deconstruction to destabilize the power of colonial institutions.

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Normalization and the discursive construction of “new” norms and “new” normality: discourse in the paradoxes of populism and neoliberalism

Krzyżanowski

2020

Social Semiotics

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Highlighting a number of perspectives from critical social theory and research as well as critical language and discourse studies, this paper explores conceptions of normalisation particularly relevant to the analysis of its dynamics and trajectories in public discourse. Starting by disentangling the complex relationship between norms, normality, normalization and discourse, the article argues that two major trends in research on normalization of violence and deviancehave been particularly influential in designing theories and analyses of normalisation processes. They have also been pivotal in pointing to path-dependencies of normalization processes, to the centrality of classification, distinction and stigmatization or to the role of pre-/legitimation and legitimation via social imaginaries as those which characterise the introduction and communication of new norms and normativites in the public domain. Crucially, many of those features of normalization are often both sustained and nested in context-dependent formats of normalization discourse. The latter, drawing on a wide array of discursive and linguistic features explored in the article, effectively enables the orchestration of new discursive shifts in public discourse as well as the introduction and pre-/legitimation of new or recontextualised norms and perceptions of what is, and what is not, acceptable and unacceptable in politics, media, institutions and beyond.

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The normalization of exclusion through a Revival of whiteness in Donald Trump’s 2016 election campaign discourse

Cited by 7 publications

References 15 publications

Equity/Equality, Diversity, and Inclusion (EDI) in Universities: The Case of Disabled People

Equity/Equality, Diversity, and Inclusion (EDI) in Universities: The Case of Disabled People

“If You Don’t Fight Like Hell, You’re Not Going to Have a Country”: An Intersectional Settler Colonial Analysis of Trump’s “Save America” Speech and Other Messages of (Non)belonging

Normalization and the discursive construction of “new” norms and “new” normality: discourse in the paradoxes of populism and neoliberalism

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