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This paper presents the behaviourist "non-normative" Peace Research (PR) tradition with two objectives. One objective is to locate this field in relation to closely related fields of research. PR specificity is: the dependent variable of peace and conflict when compared with Political Science and International Relations; the normative concern with the causes of war when compared with Strategic Studies; and the rejection of the "practicality" of research and a restraint on normativity when compared with Peace Studies (defined as peace research, peace teaching and peace action) and Conflict Resolution. Also, PR is considered here as one of the sub-fields of International Security Studies. The second objective of the paper is to present the history of PR. Since its creation in the 1950s, with a focus on inter-state conflict as an alternative to Strategic Studies, PR had two defining periods: one in the late 1960s labelled as the "socialist revolution", with the conceptualisation of peace as more than the absence of war (positive peace) and a challenge for normativity in research; and a second period in the 1980s that brought the broadening of the referent object to intra-state conflict and liberal peace, and the emergence of other social sciences dedicated to the study of issues in, or close to, PR, broadly defined as security with some of them adopting a normative stance in research. The epistemological community of PR kept its behaviourist approach in spite of these two normative challenges, and its distinctiveness and unity is much due to its method. Keywords Normativity; Peace Studies; Peace and Conflict StudiesHow to cite this article Sousa, Ricardo Real P. (2017). "Genealogy of behaviourist peace research". This paper presents more than 60 years of Peace Research (PR) evolution and has two main objectives. The first objective is to identify major changes to what PR studies and how it is studied. This is done with reference to the behaviourist PR approach, which is considered as the backbone of this paper. 3 We share King et al.'s (1994) perspective that the characteristics of good research include: making descriptive or explanatory inferences on the basis of empirical information; research that uses explicit, codified and public methods to generate and analyse data whose reliability can be assessed; qualitative and quantitative methods that are necessarily imperfect and, therefore, the conclusions are uncertain; and the "unity of all sciences consists alone in its method, not in its material" (Pearson, 1892, p. 16). These characteristics minimise the normative bias or influences of the researcher on knowledge.There are three defining periods in PR. 4 PR starts in the late 1950s in the aftermath of the behaviourist revolution that is characterised by a focus on the causes of inter-state violent conflict (deadly conflict normally associated with war) researched through behaviourist approaches, with the predominance of Political Science.In the late 1960s peace is conceptualised as more than just the a...
This paper presents the behaviourist "non-normative" Peace Research (PR) tradition with two objectives. One objective is to locate this field in relation to closely related fields of research. PR specificity is: the dependent variable of peace and conflict when compared with Political Science and International Relations; the normative concern with the causes of war when compared with Strategic Studies; and the rejection of the "practicality" of research and a restraint on normativity when compared with Peace Studies (defined as peace research, peace teaching and peace action) and Conflict Resolution. Also, PR is considered here as one of the sub-fields of International Security Studies. The second objective of the paper is to present the history of PR. Since its creation in the 1950s, with a focus on inter-state conflict as an alternative to Strategic Studies, PR had two defining periods: one in the late 1960s labelled as the "socialist revolution", with the conceptualisation of peace as more than the absence of war (positive peace) and a challenge for normativity in research; and a second period in the 1980s that brought the broadening of the referent object to intra-state conflict and liberal peace, and the emergence of other social sciences dedicated to the study of issues in, or close to, PR, broadly defined as security with some of them adopting a normative stance in research. The epistemological community of PR kept its behaviourist approach in spite of these two normative challenges, and its distinctiveness and unity is much due to its method. Keywords Normativity; Peace Studies; Peace and Conflict StudiesHow to cite this article Sousa, Ricardo Real P. (2017). "Genealogy of behaviourist peace research". This paper presents more than 60 years of Peace Research (PR) evolution and has two main objectives. The first objective is to identify major changes to what PR studies and how it is studied. This is done with reference to the behaviourist PR approach, which is considered as the backbone of this paper. 3 We share King et al.'s (1994) perspective that the characteristics of good research include: making descriptive or explanatory inferences on the basis of empirical information; research that uses explicit, codified and public methods to generate and analyse data whose reliability can be assessed; qualitative and quantitative methods that are necessarily imperfect and, therefore, the conclusions are uncertain; and the "unity of all sciences consists alone in its method, not in its material" (Pearson, 1892, p. 16). These characteristics minimise the normative bias or influences of the researcher on knowledge.There are three defining periods in PR. 4 PR starts in the late 1950s in the aftermath of the behaviourist revolution that is characterised by a focus on the causes of inter-state violent conflict (deadly conflict normally associated with war) researched through behaviourist approaches, with the predominance of Political Science.In the late 1960s peace is conceptualised as more than just the a...
The following article surveys the relationships between fascist ideology and religion in interwar Europe. First, it provides a working definition for the term 'clerical fascism' through the exploration of 14 case studies presented at the 2006 international workshop on Clerical Fascism in interwar Europe. Next, it argues that fascism, understood as a syncretic coalition between political and politicized religion, improves the analytical understanding of how fascist movements and religious entities extended collaborations. This approach enables us to study not only how fascist and religious forces respond to political opportunities but also how these collectivities reshape political context in their favor and create new opportunities. In most cases, battles over two key factions, the 'custody of youths' and the 'rebirth of nations', provided both political and politicized camps with opportunities to cooperate or struggle.
In response to the 1933 election of Adolf Hitler as German Chancellor, the various German Christian movements set about the task of constructing a national Reich Church which would complement Nazi policy – an effort that required removing the legacy of Judaism from both dogma and ecclesial tradition. To achieve this, the German Christians were able to draw on an established legacy of 'Positive Christianity' in order to offer a theological rationale for Nazi ideology. This paper traces the development of Positive Christianity and examines key themes as they are expressed in two of its representative works: Ludwig Müller's What is Positive Christianity? and Cajus Fabricius's Positive Christianity in the New State. The paper will close an analysis of contemporary debates relating to Positive Christianity's influence on Nazism and the Church.
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