The nature of Old Spanish verb second reconsidered

Wolfe, Sidney M.

doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2015.06.007

Cited by 26 publications

(21 citation statements)

References 80 publications

(111 reference statements)

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“…There are several cartographic implementations for the analysis of V2 (see Haegeman, 1996 ; Poletto, 2013 ; Biberauer and Roberts, 2014 and many others). For our current discussion we will adopt proposals by Poletto ( 2013 ) and specifically the implementation in Wolfe ( 2015 , 2016 ) for the typology of V2 languages. According to these authors, V2 languages are diversified according to the left-peripheral locus targeted by the finite verb, which is either Fin or Force (Poletto, 2013 ; Wolfe, 2015 , 2016 for motivation).…”

Section: A First Cartographic Analysis Of Pleonastic Diementioning

confidence: 99%

The Typology of V2 and the Distribution of Pleonastic die in the Ghent Dialect

Clercq

Haegeman

2018

Front. Psychol.

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The goal of our paper is to provide a description of an apparent V3 pattern which is salient with some speakers of the Ghent dialect, illustrated in (1), from Vanacker (1980).Vroeger, die bakten wij vier soorten brood formerly die baked we four sorts bread “We used to bake four kinds of bread.” (Gijzenzele 0.28) (Vanacker, 1980, p. 76)In such examples, what would be an initial adverbial constituent in the root clause vroeger, (“formerly”) is separated from the finite verb by what Vanacker (1980) labels a “pleonastic” element, die, in effect leading to a superficial V3 order. At first sight, this element die is optional and it has no impact on the truth conditions of the proposition that it introduces. (2) is also acceptable in the dialect.(2) Vroeger bakten wij vier soorten brood. formerly baked we four sorts bread “We used to bake four kinds of bread.”In the first part of the paper, we will provide a description of the distribution of die. We will also compare its distribution with that of the more widely distributed resumptive adverbs dan (“then”) and daar (“there”), which are typical of the Germanic V2 languages (Salvesen, 2016). Our account will be based both on authentic data drawn from corpora and from anecdotal observations as well as on the results of elicitations with 10 native speakers of the dialect. In the second part of the paper we provide an analysis in terms of Wolfe's (2016) typology of the syntax of V2. Adopting the articulated structure of CP as elaborated in the cartographic framework, we will propose that die is an overt spell out of the head Force and as such a root complementiser.

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Section: A First Cartographic Analysis Of Pleonastic Diementioning

confidence: 99%

The Typology of V2 and the Distribution of Pleonastic die in the Ghent Dialect

Clercq

Haegeman

2018

Front. Psychol.

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“…The notion that the Medieval Romance languages were V2 systems is strongly associated with the work of Benincà (1983Benincà ( -4, 1995Benincà ( , 2004Benincà ( , 2006Benincà ( , 2013, though the intuition that there are fundamental morphosyntactic differences between the medieval varieties and their modern counterparts is not new. The notion that the medieval languages uniformly licensed V-to-C movement, has 3 subsequently been developed in a large number of data-rich studies of the syntax of Gallo-Romance (Adams 1987;Roberts 1993;Vance 1997;Labelle 2007;Vance, Donaldson & Steiner 2009;Mathieu 2012;Steiner 2014), Ibero-Romance (Rivero 1986;Ribeiro 1995;Fernández Ordóñez 2009;Wolfe 2015c) and Italo-Romance varieties (Vanelli, Renzi & Benincà 1986;Ledgeway 2009;Poletto 2014;Wolfe 2015bWolfe , 2015d Here I adopt the V2 hypothesis, but suggest that the V2 phenomenon within the medieval period is not homogeneous. Some of the clearest evidence in favour of the V2 hypothesis comes from clauses such as (1a-f) which feature 'Germanic inversion' where a subject unambiguously in a TP-internal position occurs after the finite verb, suggesting a location for the verb within the C-domain (Adams 1987b:4;Roberts 1993:56;Vance 1997:80;Salvesen & Bech 2014:213;Poletto 2014:3-8):…”

Section: The V2 Hypothesismentioning

confidence: 99%

A comparative perspective on the evolution of Romance clausal structure

Wolfe¹

2016

DIA

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This article presents a comparative analysis of the diachronic evolution of Romance clausal structure from Classical Latin through to the late medieval period, with particular reference to the Verb Second (V2) property. In the medieval period three distinct diachronic stages can be identified as regards V2: a C-VSO stage attested in Old Sardinian, a ‘relaxed’ V2 stage across Early Medieval Romance and maintained into 13th and 14th century Occitan and Sicilian, and a ‘strict’ V2 stage attested in 13th and 14th century French, Spanish and Venetian. The C-VSO grammar found in Old Sardinian is a retention of the syntactic system attested in late Latin textual records, itself an innovation on an ‘incipient V2’ stage found in Classical Latin, where V-to-C movement and XP-fronting receive a pragmatically or syntactically marked interpretation.

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“…fi ndings on micro-variation in the derivation of subject-initial V2 explored in Postma (2011Postma ( , 2013. Let us adopt the articulated left periphery developed for V2 languages by Haegeman (1996), Poletto (2013) & Wolfe (2015, 2016, as endorsed in Haegeman & Greco (2018a). Core ingredients are the idea that the left periphery minimally encodes illocutionary force and fi niteness, as represented by the two core left peripheral functional heads Force and Fin, which respectively constitute the top layer and the bottom layer of an articulated CP.…”

Section: The Verb Always Leaves Ip In V2 Clauses: a Cartographic Reinmentioning

confidence: 99%

The temporal interpretation of West Flemish non-inverted V3

Haegeman¹

2019

The Sign of the V: Papers in Honour of Sten Vikner

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This chapter focuses on Dutch and the West Flemish dialect. It compares the interpretation of the initial temporal adjuncts in a regular V2 pattern, in which the fi nite verb has inverted with the subject, and in the West Flemish V3 pattern in which an adjunct precedes a non-inverted V2 pattern. An interpretive difference emerges in the periphrastic tenses: while in the regular V2 pattern, an initial time adjunct modifi es either the Reference Time or the Event Time of the associated clause, in the non-inverted V3 pattern, the initial temporal clause can only modify the matrix Reference Time. This restriction is shown to follow from the analysis elaborated in Haegeman & Greco (2018a,b) combined with a split Tense proposal in which Reference time and Event time are located on distinct functional heads.

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The nature of Old Spanish verb second reconsidered

Cited by 26 publications

References 80 publications

The Typology of V2 and the Distribution of Pleonastic die in the Ghent Dialect

The Typology of V2 and the Distribution of Pleonastic die in the Ghent Dialect

A comparative perspective on the evolution of Romance clausal structure

The temporal interpretation of West Flemish non-inverted V3

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