The Myth of Power-Sharing and Polarisation: Evidence from Northern Ireland

Abstract

Whether power-sharing increases polarisation or not in post-conflict societies remains deeply contested. Yet, we currently lack an adequate conceptualisation of polarisation to assess the link (if any) between the two. This article offers a new conceptualisation of polarisation and uses this to gather evidence from Northern Ireland to argue that the assumption that power-sharing entrenches polarisation is not the reality that many think it is. By examining legislator voting records, speeches by party leaders, manifestos and public opinion data, we disaggregate polarisation into different issues, track it over time, and examine both elite and mass levels. We find that overall polarisation declined, albeit some limited polarisation remained in cultural and identity issues, but these were of low salience. We argue that this is the result of parties using identity instrumentally for electoral distinction in a system of convergence – a process that is independent of the effects of power-sharing.

Remedying Horizontal Inequality: The Changing Impact of Reform in Northern Ireland

“…Politics began to focus on economic and other issues that in principle cross-cut the sectarian divide, for example, welfare reform and corporation tax; studies showed that party polarization decreased; there was effective accountability in policy making through the role of Assembly committees; attempts to mobilize unionist resistance failed; there was increased sharing of public space; and, despite continuing tensions, there was a commitment on the part of the two main parties to make the institutions work (Conley, 2013;Garry et al, 2017;McEvoy, 2015, pp. 103-104;Mitchell et al, 2009;Nagle, 2009;Tilley et al, 2008;Whiting & Bauchowitz, 2020). At the same time, there was a widespread public distancing from the political blocs, shown in a fall-off in voting (from 70% in the Assembly elections in 1998 to 55.7% in 2011) and a public focus on an ongoing sex scandal in the DUP rather than on constitutional issues.…”

Irlande du Nord 2022 : analyse d’une crise systémique en hommage à Maurice Goldring

“…Même si les progrès électoraux du Parti de l'Alliance, à nouveau confirmés en 2022, démontrent qu'une partie importante des électeurs cherche à dépasser le conflit entre unionisme et nationalisme, ces résultats électoraux sont loin d'être suffisants pour être interprétés comme la preuve d'une dissolution des allégeances communautaires 16 . Au contraire, à rebours de l'optimisme affiché par les défenseurs de la consociation qui voient des signes encourageants d'une transformation et d'une dépolarisation de la vie politique en Irlande du Nord 17 , il faut plutôt voir dans les résultats des dernières élections à l'Assemblée nord-irlandaise l'aggravation des effets pernicieux du système consociationnel. Ce système institutionnel qui organise un partage de pouvoir entre les partis représentant les blocs communautaires a durablement figé l'électorat et les partis politiques dans le conflit sur la question unique du statut constitutionnel de l'Irlande du Nord.…”

Challenges of Ethnic Party Adaptation in Power-Sharing Systems: Evidence from Malaysia

“…At the same time, increasing the presence of “bridging parties” that are less dependent on in-group support can end up “diluting the ethnic character of competitive politics and promoting multiethnic outcomes in its place” (Reilly, 2006: 76). 3 In cases such as Northern Ireland, for example, even as ethnonational cleavages remain salient, they operate more as a way for parties to differentiate themselves instrumentally and less as an ideological or antagonistic identity (Whiting and Bauchowitz, 2022: 103–4).…”