The Mobilizing Effect of Majority–Minority Districts on Latino Turnout

Abstract

W e inquire whether residence in majority-minority districts raises or lowers turnout among Latinos. We argue that the logic suggesting that majority-minority districts suppress turnout is flawed and hypothesize that the net effect is empowering. Further, we suggest that residing in multiple overlapping majority-minority districts-for state assemblies, senates, and the U.S. Housefurther enhances turnout. We test our hypotheses using individual-level turnout data for voters in five Southern California counties. Examining three general elections from 1996 to 2000, we demonstrate that residing in a majority-Latino district ultimately has a positive effect on the propensity of Latino voters to turn out, an effect that increases with the number of Latino districts in which the voter resides and is consistent across the individual offices in which a voter might be descriptively represented. In contrast, the probability that non-Hispanic voters turn out decreases as they are subject to increasing layers of majority-Latino districting.

An Extension of the Rational Voter Model

“…This evidence confirms the hypothesis proffered above that voter participation rates increase during Presidential election years, when the outcome of the election is perceived as more important, so that the potential benefits from voting are greater while presumably reflecting emotions ranging from simple enthusiasm, perhaps almost reminiscent of "cheerleading" [Copeland and Laband (2002), Cebula (2004), Barreto, Segura, and Woods (2004)] to stronger emotional responses to the candidates themselves, the party platforms and/or the candidates' positions on sensitive issues such as abortion, the environment, affirmative action, terrorism, same-sex marriage and the Middle East.…”

“…Since Downs (1957) first introduced the theory of the "rational voter," there have followed numerous and varied theoretical extensions and empirical studies to enhance, test, and better understand the theory or variants thereof in a variety of both "real world" and "experimental" contexts [e.g., Tullock (1967), Buchanan (1968), Riker and Ordeshook (1968), Brazel and Silberberg (1973), Ashenfelter and Kelly (1975), Wolfinger and Rosenstone (1980), Kafoglis and Cebula (1981), Cebula and Kafoglis (1983), Ledyard (1984), Aldrich and Simon (1986), Morton (1987), Piven and Cloward (1988), Cox and Munger (1989), Morton (1991), Teixeira (1992), Aldrich (1993), Green and Shapiro (1994), Green and Shapiro (1994), Verba, Schlozman, and Brady (1995), Leighly (1996), Lapp (1999), Greene and Nikolaw (1999), Knack (1999), Matsusaka and Palda (1999), Putnam (2000), Cebula (2001), Copeland and LaBand (2002), Mueller (2003), Barreto, Segura and Woods (2004), Cebula (2004), Borgers (2004), and Feddersen (2004)]. …”

“…The hypothesis of "voting by tax evasion" has been introduced by Cebula (2003), whereas Copeland and LaBand (2002), Cebula (2004), and in a limited sense, Barreto, Segura, and Woods (2004), have empirically investigated a theory of "expressive voting." To some extent, Cebula (2003) and Copeland and Laband (2002), respectively, reflect efforts to identify non-traditional ways in which to vote vicariously and/or to introduce non-traditional or non-demographic variables that may explain voting behavior.…”

A Study on the Cultural Influence on Business Negotiations: Evidence from Bangladesh

“…This attitude plays a vital role that helps them to enter the meeting with high preparation and succeed therein. As this result implies the importance of planning and preparation for the success of a negotiation (Lewicki et al, 2003;Karrass, 1970), Bangladeshi negotiators are very formal in planning, which is confirmed by the results (Barreto et al, 2004). When planning and preparation is considered to be the norm, then Bangladeshi negotiators are very strong.…”

Participation for What? A Policy-motivated Approach to Political Activism

“…As a result, black Americans participated at higher rates when they lived in a city with a black mayor. Later work has expanded these findings to show the participatory benefits of descriptive representation for black people, latinos, and women at all levels of government (Gay 2001(Gay , 2002Lawless 2004;Barreto, Segura and Woods 2004;Griffin and Keane 2006). However, the race and representation literature emphasizes the importance of substantive representation (Swain 1995;Cameron, Epstein and O'Halloran 1996;Lublin 1997), so black Americans may also find allies in the form of liberal Democrats who are receptive to black policy demands.…”