The Minds of Marginalized Black Men

Young, Alford A.

doi:10.1515/9781400841479

Cited by 238 publications

(41 citation statements)

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“…Yet there is strong support for conventional ideals about education, work, welfare, and marriage among the poor (Young 2004, Newman 1999, Edin and Kefalas 2005, Solarzano 1992, Goldenberg et al 2001). It is unclear then, how and by whom “ghetto-specific” or “unconventional” cultural models are transmitted to young people in poor neighborhoods and how these models are passed from generation to generation.…”

Section: Neighborhood Effects and Adolescent Socializationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Although many African-American middle class families left ghetto neighborhoods, many also remained (Patillo-McCoy 1999). Moreover, both survey and ethnographic research show strong support for mainstream ideals regarding work, education, marriage, and childbearing among the poor (Newman 1999, Edin and Kefalas 2005, Young 2004, Solarzano 1992, Goldenberg et al 2001). What then are the sources of “alternative” or “ghetto-specific” cultural models in poor neighborhoods?…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Violence, Older Peers, and the Socialization of Adolescent Boys in Disadvantaged Neighborhoods

2009

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Most theoretical perspectives on neighborhood effects on youth assume that neighborhood context serves as a source of socialization, but the exact sources and processes underlying adolescent socialization in disadvantaged neighborhoods are largely unspecified and unelaborated. This paper proposes that cross-cohort socialization by older neighborhood peers is one source of socialization for adolescent boys in such neighborhoods. Data from the National Educational Longitudinal Survey suggest that adolescents in disadvantaged neighborhoods are more likely to spend time with older individuals. Qualitative interview data from 60 adolescent boys in three neighborhoods in Boston are analyzed to understand the causes and consequences of these interactions and relationships. I find that some of the strategies these adolescents employ to cope with violence in disadvantaged neighborhoods promote interaction with older peers, particularly those who are most disadvantaged, and that such interactions can expose adolescents to local, “unconventional,” or “alternative” cultural models.

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Section: Neighborhood Effects and Adolescent Socializationmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Violence, Older Peers, and the Socialization of Adolescent Boys in Disadvantaged Neighborhoods

2009

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“…Instead, research shows cultural heterogeneity in urban neighborhoods (Carter, 2005;Harding, 2010) and several studies document rifts and social or moral distancing between similarly class-situated groups within these contexts (Anderson, 1999;Goffman, 2014). In recent years, urban scholars have raised sharp criticism over the historical focus on values and norms-reflected in the idea of assimilation to an underclassas a way to understand culture in urban neighborhoods (Small et al, 2010;Young, 2004). These critics point to studies that consistently find the urban poor embrace similar values and norms as white, middle class Americans (Carter, 2005;Dohan, 2003;Edin and Kefalas, 2011;Newman, 2009;Young, 2004).…”

Section: The Urban Context Identity Formation and Acculturationmentioning

confidence: 99%

The urban question and identity formation: The case of second-generation Mexican males in Los Angeles

Rendón

2015

Ethnicities

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The concept of downward assimilation warns that second-generation Mexican-origin youth in the inner city are at great risk of developing a ''reactive'' identity and acculturating into chronic poverty through socialization with third-plus generation racial minorities. I test this proposition by examining and comparing ethnic boundary formation for 42 second-generation Latinos from two disadvantaged neighborhoods in Los Angeles: one predominantly Mexican immigrant and the other with a sizeable representation of a racial minority group, African Americans. I find that urban conditions influence ethnic identity but not as proposed by downward assimilation. Social isolation from white Americans in urban neighborhoods means that the Mexican second-generation rarely embraces a ''reactive'' identity but instead adopts and expresses various and competing ethnic labels, holding strongly to an immigrant identity. Latino young men experience the Black/Latino urban neighborhood as a contested space and urban violence as racially charged. These urban conditions strain race relations and ''brighten'' rather than ''blur'' ethnic and racial boundaries and identities between the Mexican second-generation and Blacks. This study suggests that to understand identity formation and acculturation processes in central cities, it is essential to consider how structural conditions impact social interaction in urban space.

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“…Likewise employers shun black men from inner cities for unskilled jobs, as immigrants take over these niches in cities with large immigrant populations (Bound and Holzer 1993;Howell and Mueller 1997;Wilson 1996;Young 2004). These preferences have been executed through a variety of practices over time, starting with de jure segregation.…”

Section: Employer Practicesmentioning

confidence: 99%