“…Reflecting the structuralist economic thinking of the 1970s, Lomé I provided extensive non-reciprocal trade preferences and measures for 'the domestic processing of ACP raw materials' (Article 70 of Lomé II as cited by Stevens and Weston 1984, p. 28). In part, the EEC was willing to negotiate the terms of the agreement to ensure supply of primary commodities from the ACP countries in the face of real shortages of raw materials (Arts and Byron 1997). But the EEC was also pushed onto the back foot by the ACP states' relative unity and pro-active Nigerian leadership (Grilli 1993;Ravenhill 1980).…”
Section: Phase Ii: Capitalist Crisis and Third Worldismmentioning
“…Reflecting the structuralist economic thinking of the 1970s, Lomé I provided extensive non-reciprocal trade preferences and measures for 'the domestic processing of ACP raw materials' (Article 70 of Lomé II as cited by Stevens and Weston 1984, p. 28). In part, the EEC was willing to negotiate the terms of the agreement to ensure supply of primary commodities from the ACP countries in the face of real shortages of raw materials (Arts and Byron 1997). But the EEC was also pushed onto the back foot by the ACP states' relative unity and pro-active Nigerian leadership (Grilli 1993;Ravenhill 1980).…”
Section: Phase Ii: Capitalist Crisis and Third Worldismmentioning
“…Moreover, the reform expanded political conditionality, establishing human rights, democratic principles and the rule of law as 'essential elements'. Nonobservance of those conditions could allow the EU to partly or totally suspend its assistance, following a process of consultations (Arts & Byron, 1997). In the words of a Portuguese senior official who took part in the mid-term review, 'Portugal was one of the member states less in favour of political conditionality', but ended up accepting it because 'we did not want to stay out' (Interview, Lisbon, November 2010).…”
Section: The 1990s: Moving Along With European Peers But Asserting Nmentioning
As a former colonial power in Africa, Portugal has been a conspicuously neglected case in the contemporary academic literature on Europe-Africa relations. This article explores Portugal's role in European Union (EU) relations with Africa, focusing on the issue of political conditionality. The analysis considers how active Portugal has been at the EU level regarding that controversial issue and to what extent Lisbon has tried to mediate between its European partners and Africa. Taking into account the limited contributions on the topic, this article makes great use of primary sources and takes a long-term perspective. The findings show that Portugal's general stance was mainly reactive and cautious. However, Portuguese policy-makers ingeniously used intra-EU pressures towards conditionality to highlight Portugal's conciliatory position and buttress a bridging role between Europe and Africa. This study contributes to the literature on Portuguese foreign policy in the EU-Africa context and provides useful insights for other studies on smaller EU member states as well as Europe-Africa relations.
“…The party accused of violating the founding principles of the convention is invited to hold consultation with the Commission. 5 Article…”
Section: Conditionality and Cotonou Agreementmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…"4 According to Article 96(2)(a), consultations are to begin no later than 15 days after the request is made by either party, shall continue for a period of time established by mutual agreement and shall not last longer than 60 days. Revised Cotonou agreement added that consultation would begin no later than 30 days after the invitation to discuss the breach 5. If the consultation does not lead to a solution acceptable to both Parties, if consultation is refused, or in cases of special urgency, appropriate measures may be taken.…”
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