2008
DOI: 10.3167/gps.2008.260402
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The Merkel Government's Politics of the Past

Abstract: Use policyThe full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that:• a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders.Please consult the full D… Show more

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Cited by 9 publications
(8 citation statements)
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“…In contrast to Schröder, Merkel made an unambiguous acknowledgement of German historical responsibility arising from the Nazi past and has not attempted to "normalize" the Nazi past. 79 She made a particular commitment to Germany's bilateral relationship with Israelwhich Bahr, for example, had not included in his elaboration of German national interests. She intensified Germany's relations with Israel and, together with the five members of the UN Security Council, took measures to put greater pressure on the Iranian regime to stop its nuclear program than Schröder had done.…”
Section: The Realist Consensusmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In contrast to Schröder, Merkel made an unambiguous acknowledgement of German historical responsibility arising from the Nazi past and has not attempted to "normalize" the Nazi past. 79 She made a particular commitment to Germany's bilateral relationship with Israelwhich Bahr, for example, had not included in his elaboration of German national interests. She intensified Germany's relations with Israel and, together with the five members of the UN Security Council, took measures to put greater pressure on the Iranian regime to stop its nuclear program than Schröder had done.…”
Section: The Realist Consensusmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Despite these overlaps, the Germanness-as-rationality trope has dominated the liberal nationalism of post-reunification Germany (Fuchs et al., 2011) based on pride in economic achievement, allegiance to the German Constitution (Habermas, 2005), the working through of the Nazi past (Wittlinger, 2008), and in distinction to East German (Berdahl, 1999; Glaeser, 2000; Kalmar and Shoshan, 2020) and Muslim ‘others’ portrayed as having not yet progressed to the stage of liberalism (Özyürek, 2019). More recently, both East and West German intellectuals have been drawing on anti-Muslim racist repertoires to discursively build a new, sanitised, post-reunification notion of Germanness.…”
Section: Rationality Versus Spirituality Reconsideredmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The idea was controversial, in large part, due to the unclear role in the planning process of the League of German Expellees, a powerful and conservative group that has long called for recognition of the suffering of millions of Germans expelled from Eastern Europe at the end of the WWII. As a result of this discussion in the early days of the Merkel chancellorship, the question arose whether Merkel’s “politics of the past would be characterized by an emphasis on the memory of German suffering—possibly at the expense of memory of the Holocaust” (Wittlinger, 2008: 13). Moreover, there was speculation that Merkel would adopt a “very confident stance internationally which showed that the ‘burden’ of German history was not sufficient anymore to ensure some modesty vis-à-vis key victorious powers of World War II with regard to values …” (Wittlinger, 2008: 14).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…As a result of this discussion in the early days of the Merkel chancellorship, the question arose whether Merkel’s “politics of the past would be characterized by an emphasis on the memory of German suffering—possibly at the expense of memory of the Holocaust” (Wittlinger, 2008: 13). Moreover, there was speculation that Merkel would adopt a “very confident stance internationally which showed that the ‘burden’ of German history was not sufficient anymore to ensure some modesty vis-à-vis key victorious powers of World War II with regard to values …” (Wittlinger, 2008: 14). Wittlinger concluded that, in the first 1 or 2 years of her chancellorship, Merkel’s approach to the politics of the past was characterized by unambiguous acknowledgment of German historical responsibility owing to Nazism and the Holocaust.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
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