The Medium Is the Danger: Discourse about Television among Amish and Ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) Women

Shahar, Rivka Neriya-Ben

doi:10.1080/15348423.2017.1274590

Cited by 12 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 38 publications

(35 reference statements)

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“…The main gatekeepers in religious communities are probably the women. While religious communities perceive men as providing leadership and direction, in practice, women’s roles as educators and homemakers position them as central in defending their communities from threatening changes (El-Or, 1994; Johnson-Weiner, 2001; Neriya-Ben Shahar, 2008). The very same roles, almost paradoxically, allow women to simultaneously act as agents-of-change, as they connect with the surrounding secular world to provide for their families’ needs (especially through work and shopping).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The very same roles, almost paradoxically, allow women to simultaneously act as agents-of-change, as they connect with the surrounding secular world to provide for their families’ needs (especially through work and shopping). The significant changes among Amish and ultra-Orthodox women as they assume jobs and run businesses have important ramifications on both the economic and social realms (Kraybill et al, 2013; Neriya-Ben Shahar, 2008).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Negotiating agency: Amish and ultra-Orthodox women’s responses to the Internet

Shahar

2016

New Media & Society

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This study explores how women in two devout religious communities cope with the Internet and its apparent incompatibility with their communities' values and practices. Questionnaires containing both closed and open-ended questions were completed by 82 participants, approximately half from each community. While their discourses included similar framings of danger and threat, the two groups manifested different patterns of Internet use (and nonuse). Rigorous adherence to religious dictates is greatly admired in these communities, and the women take pride in manipulating their status in them. Their agency is reflected in how they negotiate the tension inherent in their roles as both gatekeepers and agents-of-change, which are analyzed as valuable currencies in their cultural and religious markets.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Negotiating agency: Amish and ultra-Orthodox women’s responses to the Internet

Shahar

2016

New Media & Society

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“…Existing studies of media abstinence have explored a variety of perspectives: psychological (e.g., Pierce, 2009), sociological (Kline, 2003; Ribak & Rosenthal, 2015), religious (Neriya-Ben Shahar, 2017; Rosenberg et al, 2019), educational (Buckingham, 2000), and familial (Silverstone, 2006). These studies and others have also focused on various communication technologies, such as television (Krcmar, 2009; Mittell, 2000), landline telephone (Ribak & Rosenthal, 2006; Zimmerman-Umble, 1996), new media and ICT in general (Selwyn, 2003; Woodstock, 2014), Internet (Wyatt et al, 2002; Wyatt, 2003), and social networks (Brubaker et al, 2016; Neves et al, 2015; Portwood-Stacer, 2013; Schoenebeck, 2014), as well as specific content abstention practices, like news (Woodstock, 2013).…”

Section: Media Resistance Studiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The (other) two percent also matter: The construction of mobile phone refusers

Rosenberg

Vogelman-Natan

2021

Mobile Media & Communication

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Technological resistance practices hold significant insights regarding the media’s role as much as its adoption and usage practices. However, studies examining media non-use have generally overlooked mobile phone resisters—individuals voluntarily deciding not to own mobile phones. Based on 25 in-depth interviews with mobile phone refusers, this study presents two refuser types differing in refusal dynamics. The first are ideologists, whose rejection stems from a formulated, critical worldview towards the mobile phone, in particular, and communication technologies, in general. The second are realizers, whose “post-factum resistance” resulted from a forced but positive experience of a temporary break in use (e.g., when their device was broken or stolen), motivating them to disconnect in an attempt to preserve the new, liberated space they experienced. Additional findings reveal the non-ownership practices adopted by the mobile phone refusers; the novel psychological and sociological motives underlying mobile phone refusal concerning the home space and digital well-being; refuser resistance discourse, which focuses solely on the medium’s nature and not its content; and how refusers negotiate the social status and stigma that accompanies their mobile phone refusal. Our study illustrates how mobile phone refusal stands apart from other media resistance, providing a deeper perspective on the price of connectivity, and thus underscoring the importance of studying these refusers. The uniqueness of mobile phone refusal is further expressed in its complexity, extremity, perceived authenticity, and visibility.

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“…At the same time, in the secularized publicity of traditional mass media, the church as an institution appeared almost exclusively, and personal religiosity, religious identity appeared extremely rarely (and often only in thematic programs). Social media has, in fact, made (among many others) personal religious beliefs, religious commitment, and religious identity visible again (Ammerman 2003;Lövheim 2012;Elmasry et al 2014;Chetty 2017;Neriya and Shahar 2017).…”

Section: Summary Of Research-relevant Literature On Digital Religionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Trends in Online Religious Processes during the Coronavirus Pandemic in Hungary—Digital Media Use and Generational Differences

Andok

2021

Religions

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The present study shows how Hungarian churches and religious communities responded to the physical closure and relocation to online spaces in the spring of 2020, since while physical gates became closed, digital gates became opened. In the churches, work began in two directions with particular intensity. On the one hand, they organized their online appearance. On the other hand, they began to rethink their theological reflections on the possibilities of digital technology. The study also analyses both the event- and community-based presence of the churches as well as what they broadcast to their believers. The intention was to find the answer to what the presence of the camera meant in the process of live broadcasting, with a special focus on the visual elements and procedures that differed from the visual perception of real presence during streaming: the camera movement, the different viewing angles, the location of the cameras, the cut, and the sound quality. In other words, the believers had a new visual experience, an optical representation of reality, which afforded them a new type of interactivity and participation. In addition, the study highlights the generational differences that can be explored in digital transitions.

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The Medium Is the Danger: Discourse about Television among Amish and Ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) Women

Cited by 12 publications

References 38 publications

Negotiating agency: Amish and ultra-Orthodox women’s responses to the Internet

Negotiating agency: Amish and ultra-Orthodox women’s responses to the Internet

The (other) two percent also matter: The construction of mobile phone refusers

Trends in Online Religious Processes during the Coronavirus Pandemic in Hungary—Digital Media Use and Generational Differences

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