The Louisiana Education Association, 1901-1970

Middleton, Ernest J.

doi:10.2307/2295001

Cited by 6 publications

(2 citation statements)

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“…In the overview of the findings that follows, I provide a sketch of their activities in each of these moments, using selected examples to demonstrate the ways effective advocacy for change across each period required a symbiotic co-dependency between the national NAACP and organized Black educators. For purposes of this discussion, the behavior of Black educators is captured primarily through the GTEA database; however, evidence in other firsthand accounts of the activities of Black educators confirms that the GTEA behaviors are representative of similar advocacy strategies of Black educators in other states (Bickley, 1979;Middleton, 1984;Murray, 1984;Patterson, 1981;Picott, 1975;Porter & Neyland, 1977;Potts, 1978;Thompson, 1973).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 95%

Ninth Annual Brown Lecture in Education Research

Walker

2013

Educational Researcher

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This research sought to extend the historical record of advocacy for Black education by exploring the role of Black educators in the decades before the Brown v. Board of Education decision. It addressed (a) the ways the educators were involved in advocating for Black schools and (b) the relationship of the activities to the more visible accounts of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). Answers to the research questions relied on historical ethnography as a methodological tool to analyze the records of the Georgia Teachers and Education Association and the NAACP. Each of these collections was also supplemented by other archival sources and interviews. Results indicate three identifiable periods of advocacy in the years before Brown. In each period, Black educators through their organizations were locally and nationally visible in advocating for education. The results reveal a co-dependent relationship with the NAACP and amplify the importance of a “connector” in establishing congruent national and local advocacy.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 95%

Ninth Annual Brown Lecture in Education Research

Walker

2013

Educational Researcher

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“…They had long advocated for improvements in Black school facilities and educational programs and won a hard-fought battle for racial salary equalization in 1943 (Hill 1967;Parr 2010). Similarly, the statewide Black NEA-affiliate, the Louisiana Education Association, had fought battles for Black educational justice, including pushing for school integration before Brown (Buras 2014;Middleton 1978). Due to the success of civil rights efforts as well as an influx of money and resources from federal Great Society programs, the tides finally seemed to be turning for Black workers seeking leadership positions and stable jobs, many of which had been previously only open to whites (Germany 2007).…”

Section: Racial Justice Solidarity and A Second Strikementioning

confidence: 99%

Civil Rights, Labor Conflict, and Integration: New Orleans Educators’ Struggle for Collective Bargaining 1965-1974

Chanin

2020

Labor Studies Journal

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When American Federation of Teachers-Local 527 launched their collective bargaining campaign in 1965, they were one of five mostly segregated teachers’ locals in New Orleans and represented a minority of the system’s educators. Spurred on by the National, who saw them as the lynchpin to organizing the South, they held a three-day job action, the first teachers’ strike in the South, in 1966 and then a longer nine-day strike in 1969. Through these mobilizations, they connected their demand for collective bargaining to racial and economic equity in the schools, aligning themselves with Black students, parents, and lower paid support workers. In the early 1970s, New Orleans underwent an ambitious faculty desegregation program that transformed the schools and led to the merger between Local 527 and the majority-white National Education Association (NEA) local to form the United Teachers of New Orleans (UTNO). Although faculty desegregation was a top-down reform, the union capitalized on teacher integration to form intentional alliances across race and mobilize new members. Following the merger, UTNO renewed their call for collective bargaining, eventually pressuring the board to approve an election in 1974. I argue that by positioning racial justice as central to their union organizing, prioritizing participatory democracy among membership, and engaging in civil rights unionism, UTNO succeeded in achieving collective bargaining when so many other Southern cities failed.

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Disparities in accessibility of public high schools, in metropolitan Baton Rouge, Louisiana 1990–2010

Williams

Wang

2014

Urban Geography

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The Louisiana Education Association, 1901-1970

Cited by 6 publications

References 0 publications

Ninth Annual Brown Lecture in Education Research

Ninth Annual Brown Lecture in Education Research

Civil Rights, Labor Conflict, and Integration: New Orleans Educators’ Struggle for Collective Bargaining 1965-1974

Disparities in accessibility of public high schools, in metropolitan Baton Rouge, Louisiana 1990–2010

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