The lost concept: The (re)emerging link between maturation and desistance from crime

Abstract

Research on desistance or the process of ceasing criminal behavior has increased in recent years. This work has revealed a large number of factors that are related to desistance. To date, these explanations have been generally perceived as mutually exclusive and/or competitive. Interestingly, while research on desistance from crime has been a recent focus, certain work had examined crime over the life-course as far back as the early 20th century. In particular, the Gluecks offered one of the earliest "theories" of desistance, focusing on maturation. Their "maturation theory" was somewhat tautological and not well specified. However, the Gluecks were clear that further work was needed in order to specify what maturation means and how it relates to crime. In this article, five domains of maturation are articulated drawing on the literature in the life-course and developmental fields. It is argued that this new framework may help advance the criminological work on desistance.

Aging bodies and desistance from crime: Insights from the life stories of offenders

“…It is not employment, marriage, military service, residential change or other changes in themselves that bring about desistance, but rather the way such changes under certain circumstances can bring about other changes, which are theoretically understood as central for the desistance processes to emerge. (Carlsson, 2012, p. 3) These 'other changes' that Carlsson (2012) alludes to are the focus of attention of what Rocque (2014) describes as cognitive transformation, agency, and identity theories. These theories are cognitive-based, subjective explanations of how individuals change their outlook on themselves with desistance occurring when offenders no longer regard themselves as criminals (Paternoster and Bushway, 2009;Rumgay, 2004).…”

“…In view of this, such theories do not feel inclined to consider social or institutional processes nor do they feel the need to reflect on the subjective meanings of age for those concerned (Maruna, 2001). Rocque (2014) also points out the following.…”

“…Such critiques led to the demise of this theory. Rocque (2014) notes, however, that while certain aspects of the critique were well founded, the Glueck's theory is more viable than many realise. For example, the notion of "maturational reform" is not necessarily tautological (they did attempt to define maturation independently of criminal behavior).…”

“…In addition, their notion of maturation seemingly foresaw several developments in criminology, cognitive psychology, and neurological sciences that have recently helped to advance our understanding of behavioral change in adulthood. (Rocque, 2014, p. 4) According to Rocque (2014) while the literature on desistance from crime has increased significantly since the Glueck's time, the theories or explanations that have emerged each contain elements of what may be called maturation. The most obvious of these is what Rocque calls 'pure age-based theories' that offer explanations of the age-crime curve based solely on age as a factor.…”

The Cumulative Disadvantages of Socially Toxic Family Environments: A Comparison of Early Life Experiences of Incarcerated Men and University Students

“…With respect to the inmates, the driving hypothesis stemmed from Garbarino's (1999) idea that the On the other hand, large numbers of former delinquents are not arrested or involved any longer in criminal behavior. While some argue that such desistance from crime reflects a natural function of age-graded behavior, others suggest life course transitions that provide stability and promote social ties have more powerful effects (Rocque, 2015). Sampson and Laub (1993), for instance, argue that social ties embedded in adult transitions such as marital attachment, job stability, or military service explain variations in criminal behavior unaccounted for by childhood delinquency.…”