The Lion and the Springbok

Abstract

The Lion and the Springbok presents an account of the dynamics and divergences of the 'uneasy special relationship' of Britain and South Africa. From the bruising experience of the South African War (1899–1902) to South Africa's withdrawal from the Commonwealth in 1961, the authors chart this relationship in all its political, economic, cultural and geostrategic aspects. All the major disputes are discussed including the struggle for the High Commission Territories, the crisis over Seretse Khama's marriage and the transfer of the Simon's Town naval base. These issues trace, for the most part, a continuing deterioration in relations, as Afrikaner nationalist identity hardened and South African politics slid into the extremes of apartheid. The perceptions each side had of the other after 1948 are examined through representations in the media, and an epilogue considers the reasons for the return of the 'New South Africa' to the Commonwealth in 1994.

Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world, 1860-1911

“…This sentiment refl ects the political work of his imperial tutor, Joseph Chamberlain. 115 In this regard, George represented a departure from his father and grandmother, in having a clear sense of his role as an imperial monarch. He advocated imperial unity and defence and travelled to the empire once he became King.…”

“…114 Tawhiao never crossed his aukati and never met Prince Alfred, who left on 1 June. 115 The Taranaki Herald offered, at the royal tour's conclusion, a far more nuanced and complicated picture of this non-event than that offered by colonial propaganda:…”

“…Moreover, Victoria had a 'real capital' -'Marvelous Melbourne' -where 'the bulk of wealth and business is centred'. 115 New Zealand, on the other hand, was 'made up of a number of distinct provinces, each with its capital town on the seaboard'. 116 The Independent imagined New Zealand to be a collection of outward-looking cores rather than a united whole (and they were quite right).…”

“…Here, however, it is a very dangerous fooling to lose Imperial control over local government, and to place power in the hands of a faction who do not disguise their intention for using it against the Empire. 179 This understanding of South Africa's future and the importance of Britishness was darker and more cynical than those discourses that focused on the almost natural progress of British liberty in South Africa, but it refl ected the same fundamental principle: that the imperial connection was crucial to the South African body politic and could [ 115 ] be abandoned neither by English-speaking South Africans nor the imperial government. This understanding was refl ected later in pleas to the imperial government and the monarchy to refuse approval of the Union of South Africa in 1910.…”

“…114 In March 1898, Jan Hofmeyr, the Bond leader, proclaimed that he was not and never had been hostile to African political rights, beginning his campaign to vie for African voters. 115 Jabavu declared Hofmeyr the new standard-bearer for 'true British principle' in South African [ 145 ] politics, in opposition to Cecil Rhodes' 'equal rights for white men only'. 116 His allegiance to the Bond, combined with his pacifi sm during the South African War, would make him a lightning rod of political controversy, to the point that his voice, Imvo Zabantsundu , was silenced in August 1901 by the military government of the Cape.…”